The editorial board is beginning to give its readers an introduction to a set of materials that in these times are exceptionally significant: a collective monograph that examines the construct of “Ukrainism.” The authors of the monograph assert that the construct of “Ukrainism” is a political, ideological, religious, and ultimately, a dark metaphysical project that the West is systematically developing in order to bring about Russia’s demise. This project has been underway in Ukraine for a long time; but over the past few years, it has become especially blatant, and its scale has grown to unprecedented proportions. Crimes against Ukraine’s Russian-speaking population are being committed that are no less brutal than those committed under Hitler. This monograph addresses such questions as: “How did this become possible?”, “What forces were involved in this process?”, and “What ideas has Ukrainian Nazism been cultivating over decades and centuries?” In this issue, you will find the beginning of the preface by S. E. Kurginyan, previously published in the first volume of the monograph Ukrainism: The Relevant International Game.

The article deals with the policy of the Russian Federation towards Chechnya in 1994. The Russian-Chechen negotiations reached an impasse. Moscow categorically refused to recognize the independence of Chechnya, as D.Dudaev insisted. In the spring of 1994, the Kremlin actually refused to consider him the legitimate president of Chechnya. In the summer of 1994, taking advantage of the deepening internal political crisis in Chechnya, the Russian leadership decided to use the policy of the "half-power option". Its essence was the overthrow of Dudaev by the forces of the Chechen opposition, which relied on the help of Russia. In November 1994 this policy has completely failed. The Russian-Chechen negotiations in early December 1994 ended in failure, after which it was decided to conduct a full-scale military operation against Dudayev.

The article analyzes the relationship between the state authorities of the Russian Federation and the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria in 1996–1999. After the signing of the Khasavyurt Agreements, the federal center hoped to peacefully establish relations with the Chechen authorities and promote the economic and political integration of Chechnya into the Russian constitutional space. In the first half of 1997, the relations between the official Moscow and Grozny were quite constructive. However, then the Chechen authorities began to rigidly insist on granting the republic full independence, sabotaged all the agreements reached on economic issues, and indulged religious extremists. As a result, in 1998 the negotiation process reached an impasse. Attempts to resuscitate him at the end of 1998–1999 were unsuccessful, and in the autumn of 1999 an armed conflict began again in Chechnya.

The U.S. pays lip service to Israel, but in reality it is setting the Middle East on fire, contributing to the formation of a radical Islamist entity that will eventually sweep Israel away. There is a clear strategy in these seemingly contradictory actions: America has declared war on development in order to preserve its hegemony and destroy its geopolitical rivals. Today it needs to barbarize and archaize the global periphery. For Russia to be able to withstand, for it to be able to exist not in the logic of situational response, it must realize what it is facing and what it can counter the civilization of death.

The subject of the study is the determination of priority criteria for systematization and classification of multi-party systems in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. The genesis and evolution of political parties is examined, the role of the initiative minority in their creation and functioning is emphasized. The conclusion is substantiated that various groups of initiative minorities, comprehending the specific socio-historical situation in the country, develop their own models, ways and means of reorganizing society. On this basis, a system of political parties is formed, which compete with each other in the public political field, seeking support among the masses. The article gives the author's definition of the concept of “political party” and proposes criteria for classifying a party as one or another type.

The article covered the issue of transferring the Crimean region of the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954. The author emphasizes that the question of the reasons for the change by the Soviet leadership of the status and jurisdiction of the Crimean peninsula and the revision of the inter-republican borders is still far from its unambiguous decision. In 2014, the sixty-year period of Crimea and Sevastopol staying within the Ukrainian SSR was ended. The events under study in the 21st century are the subject of heated scientific discussions and pseudo-scientific speculations, and some political forces in Ukraine are actively discussing the issue of the political status of Crimea in their rhetoric. The article is based on documents from the funds of Russian and Ukrainian archives, and various published materials.

The article analyzes the prerequisites and consequences of the signing of the Khasavyurt Agreements on August 31, 1996 between the Russian Federation and Chechen separatists. By the summer of 1996, the war in Chechnya had reached an impasse, Russian troops were unable to inflict a decisive defeat on the enemy and gradually lost their strategic initiative. The capture of Grozny by Chechen militants demonstrated the obvious weakness of the federal forces and forced the Russian authorities to make serious concessions. The signing of Agreements, which represented a well-known compromise, made it possible to end the fighting and “ freeze” the conflict. However, the parties were unable to create an effective mechanism for their implementation, which did not allow the conflict between the federal Center and the Chechen Republic to be finally resolved at that time.

One of the priorities of the federal Center's policy in the first half of the 1990s was the search for effective ways to build relations with the Russian regions. This process was most difficult in Chechnya, where supporters of the republic's secession from the Russian Federation came to power in 1991. During 1992–1994, the parties tried to agree on mutual interests, but the negotiation process for various reasons often came to an impasse. In 1994, the federal Center set a course to curtail contacts with the Chechen authorities and support the anti-Dudayev opposition. The negotiation process, which resumed at the end of 1994, did not lead to positive results. It seems, however, that the possibilities for a peaceful settlement of the crisis were not fully exploited by both sides, which turned into a tragedy for the entire country.

Comprehending what is happening is an irrevocable human ability and responsibility. Moreover, this is the duty of the authorities. The current government is doing a poor job with this task: decades of negative selection to power, when they got there not for their abilities and skills, but for various other reasons, are reflected. As a result, the government proved to be inadequate and disproportionate to the challenge of the coronavirus. To overcome the crisis caused by the coronavirus epidemic, you need to fight myths with all your might, and even more so not to generate them. The measures taken must be minimized and brought in line with objectivity, as well as their capabilities. It should be strictly forbidden to pull someone's projects under the coronavirus disaster, whether it be the destruction of families, the digitalization of everything in the world, or whatever else. Decisions should be made in an effort to minimize the number of ALL possible victims, not just coronavirus victims.

The article, based on the results of research of is RAS and VTSIOM, shows the evolution of ideological and political preferences of Russians over the past quarter century. The transition from the Soviet type of mass consciousness to the Western one to the moderate-state one to the "zero" is traced. The author reveals the prospects of further dynamics on the basis of the vector of mass public demand. This section of the article deals with the events and processes that developed from the beginning of the "zero" years, to the beginning of the "tenth", to the "third term" of V.Putin and the conflict with Ukraine.

The article, based on the results of research of is RAS and VTSIOM, shows the evolution of ideological and political preferences of Russians over the past quarter century. The transition from the Soviet type of mass consciousness to the Western one to the moderate-state one to the "zero" is traced. The author reveals the prospects of further dynamics on the basis of the vector of mass public demand.

The article, based on the results of research of is RAS and VTSIOM, shows the evolution of ideological and political preferences of Russians over the past quarter century. The transition from the Soviet type of mass consciousness to the Western one to the moderate-state one to the "zero" is traced. The author reveals the prospects of further dynamics on the basis of the vector of mass public demand.

The article deals with the presidential elections held in March 2018 through the prism of the main value divisions of the society, which were actively manifested in the period 201