The upsurge of political activism that occurred in December of 2011 after the election to the Russian State Duma and continued in the subsequent months up to June of 2012 is an enigmatic phenomenon in many respects. Causes of discontent as aired by the opposition leaders had been present for a very long time prior to the upsurge and roused no massive dissatisfaction. There is every reason to suspect that the genuine if hidden cause of mass demonstrations, meetings and riots is the authorities' desire to defuse a frightening potential of mass discontent well in advance of decisive imminent confrontation related with consequence of Russia’s joining WTO. In fact, the authorities tried to burnout the mass discontent potential and found support of opposition in this undertaking.

The author deals with what he considers one of the main causes of the present day decline of Russia — substitution of imitation of activity for activity. Nowadays this practice is common but goes practically unnoticed because it is used by all strata of the Russian society and is pretty convenient for everybody. However the further advancement of this practice is utterly detrimental not only for the Russian state but for Russian society itself and eventually may ruin it.

The article deals with so called political technologies that are not just a component of the contemporary Russian politics but its vital component. Political technologies' significance cannot be overestimated for they ensure reproduction of the political, economic and social structure of post-Soviet Russia by far more effectively than traditional institutions of suppression. At the same time political technologies form a thriving business the gross and net turnover of which amounts to millions of dollars. Unfortunately, this business is subject to widespread criticism which seems to be unjust because critics are deeply involved in politics created and maintained by political technologists and often resort to political technologies and even to political technologists' services. The author identifies basic functions political technologists perform, describes these functions and appraises them. Finally, the author reveals the roots of ambivalent attitudes to political technologists and concludes that were the Russian public conscience consistent the political technologists would have been praised, awarded admired and adored. Instead of that political technologists are despised and even hated. Ironically, political technologists reap what they have sown for they contributed a lot to driving public conscience into the current schizophrenic condition.

The author considers some tendencies of the Russian political conscience and the Russian public politics degradation. The author thinks that these trends have brought about emergence of peculiar though not unique form of democracy, the will eruption democracy (or democracy of ecstasy, the ecstatic democracy). This type of democracy is so much different from the traditional, Western democracy that one cannot describe it as a deviation from the Western standard. Making of the ecstatic democracy is going on with no resistance. Moreover, this democracy has already spilled beyond the Russian boundaries and begun its triumphal march all over the world. Since the West and the USA in particular still cling to the archaic traditional democracy (though they contribute to making of ecstatic democracy elsewhere, in such countries as Russia and Serbia) Russia is far ahead of the whole world again.

The author doubts whether the persons who define economic policies of the Russian cabinets since early 1990s up to now are monetarists. The real economic policies of these cabinets (and their monetary policies in particular) obviously contradict the basic tenets of monetarism and logic of the doctrine, in fact negate them. From this fact one should not come to a conclusion that policies of the Russian «monetarists» are void of any meaning. On the contrary, these policies have quite definite meaning and are consistent. The essence and the intention of these policies are the irreversible destruction of Russia. And inflation serves as an instrument (and quite effective one) to achieve the goal.

The author asserts that standards of justice are prerequisite for survival of the Russians and normal existence of any society. In some fundamental sense, all the Russians need is the restoration of the very notion of justice. Events of the past 15 years, the miserable results of these events and the current deplorable situation which seems to be hopeless are caused by apostasy from the principle of justice which has been effectively corrupted by the Soviet and post-Soviet elite.