The article attempts to periodize the history of domestic political technologies. According to the author's hypothesis, the formation of domestic political technologies depended entirely on two historical conditions-the cultural-value specificity of Russia and the development in it of new types and elements of communication. The methodology uses the axiological heritage of Gramsci, which singled out such an instrument of power as hegemony, exercised through the control of cultural discourse and political agenda by intellectuals. The author comes to the conclusion that all types of Russian political technologies should be integrated in a composite state strategy of patriotic education, since this, in turn, not only consolidates the society valuefully, but also determines the level of stability and centralization of the state itself. But it will be unrealistic to fulfill, if, for example, only to hyperbolize pre-revolutionary historical experience and at the same time to abandon the Soviet experience of patriotic consolidation of society.

In article the author analyzes the historical, political, economic and military-strategic aspects of the Russian approach toward the Arctic region, shows interaction of various factors that shape the Russian policy in the Arctic, highlights its goals and motivations, and attempts to answer a question whether Russia's actions in the Arctic region are of offensive or defensive character. The general idea of this article is to emphasize the historical role of the North in the process of formation of the Russian nation and the unique Orthodox civilization. The author evaluates the security motivations of Russia both in the regional and global context, draws attention to the fact that Moscow's efforts to develop an up-to date security infrastructure in the Russian North surpass plans aimed at economic development of the region. This creates a so-called effect of militarization of the Arctic. The author’s idea is to highlight internal and external limitations of the Russian economic policy in the region, for example the regime of economic sanctions imposed against Russia that affected the implementation of joint projects of Russian and Western companies. The author’s research method is based upon the comparative and analytical approach.

The author examines the development of Senate’s structural elements in 1730–1741 (“presence”, the Office, the most important positions, the Moscow division), when the new management reality has come. Actuality is determined that the recent literature are neglecting to specified issues. This problem has been studied in a positivist works of pre-revolutionary researchers specifically. On the basis of legislation and record keeping documentations the historian shows that in this period the Senate’s organizational structure has experienced many transformations, caused by temporary factors of the current administrative needs and the court disposition, but the main elements of the previous Senate organization were preserved.

The article offers the first comprehensive analysis of Prince V.M.Golitsyn’s attitudes to the Russian revolution. V.M.Golitsyn was the Mayor of Moscow and an active participant of revolutionary events in 1904–1905. Subsequently Golitsyn remained to be a person of influence in the liberal movement. In fact, he took the side of centrist current in this movement and took up position between Constitutional Democrats and Octobrists. As the President of Moscow club of independents in 1906–1908 and a member of the Progressist Party in 1912 Golitsyn supported trends to unification of the “peaceful renewal of Russia” adherents, substantiated necessity of creative efforts undertaken by the “moderate” opposition and aimed at building of state governed by the rule of law. Golitsyn thought that spheres of education and culture and development of local self-government should be the top priorities. According to Golitsyn, revolution in Russia was the expected and logical result of the autocracy. The revolution developed for a long time and did not confine itself to events of 1905–1907 and 1917. Golitsyn’s opinions on the problem are reconstructed on the basis of his diary (which, to a considerable extent, remains to be unpublished) for the period from the early 1900s to1918.

Since times of “late Stalin” the Soviet nomenklatura was afflicted with anti-Semitism. In the subsequent period this systemic ailment weakened to a considerable extent and lost its repressive component. Yet it continued to exist finding its manifestations predominantly in form of restrictions imposed on career advancement of Jews. Having become the leader of the USSR Brezhnev had to live with such paradigm though he personally was not a hater of Jews. Moreover, Brezhnev had some sympathy to Jews. Though he did not went to the open conflict with anti-Semitism of the Party apparatus he nevertheless spoke for development of the Jewish culture in the USSR, felt a sympathy and provided the covert protection to so prominent master of the theater satire as Arkady Raikin and to other Jewish representatives of creative intelligentsia.

The factories of the 20th century, the results of the Industrial Revolution and the megalomaniac arrogance of the past, are now akin to the pyramids of Ancient Egypt – they have become historical relics. In their place have arisen ecological, flexible, highly technological, and small forms of production: these have a direct genetic link with craft workshops, a fact which has led to a re-evaluation of the history of crafts and new horizons in historical research. Often, however, gigantic industrial factories, masterpieces of technological progress, sometimes obscure craft workshops in their shadows, making it seem as if they are towering over an economic wilderness. Looking at workshops, factories, and manufactories, we attempt here to consider the relationship between these terms in both the proto-industrial era of the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries and the period of industrialisation in the second half of the 19th century.

At the tipping point of epochs General N.N.Dukhonin (1876–1917), the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, had to perform the most arduous task: he had not only to reinforce the defense of warring Russia but he had at the same time to restrain influence of rebelling elements on the tired army. The rebelling elements promised to solve painful problems if Russia made the immediate peace with Germany and its allies. Having committed himself to the uncompromising struggle against the imminent anarchy Dukhonin kept his guard at the General Headquarters in Mogilev and ignored threats and blandishments originated in Red Petrograd. Relying on the human reason Dukhonin strove to avoid the bloodshed though he was aware that the odd come shortly days of the revolution would be charged with deadly dangers for him personally.

The article deals with the letter written to I.V.Stalin by A.N.Garry, the journalist who in 1938 was sentenced to 8 years of hard labor camp imprisonment. A.N.Garry described reasons of the sentence he had got, his own merits before the USSR and entreated Stalin to give him a chance to return to the literary activities. In autobiography attached to the letter A.Garry described the main events of his life.

The critique had to become Zereteli’s debut on pages of “The Russian Treasure”, one of the most popular and influential Russian monthlies of narodnik and, later on, liberal trend. For Zereteli a publication in so prestigious magazine was the desired but earlier unobtainable trial of strength in the path of Russian journalism. However that debut did not happen. As Zereteli put it himself, the great Russian revolution of 1917 opened opportunities for actual transition from words to deeds on the basis of implementation of lessons given by the revolution of 1905 and for unification of all democratic forces in the common struggle for the country’s happiness and prosperity. But that was only an illusion. New discords, political deafness of rivals and opponents, new splits and the fratricidal civil war waited in the future. And the scale and consequences of this civil war were on par with the bloody world war that had changed the world and hardened the human hearts.