The author considers an extremely difficult moment of the current history and the current political process connected with involvement of Russian and the EU in the conflict in the South-East of Ukraine. The imperfect Russian statehood provides certain hopes for reconstruction of the USSR (the USSR 2.0) is in need of support by all healthy and sane forces. The Nazi mutiny has occurred in Ukraine and that fact does not allow the Russian patriots any other choice but tacit public support provided to the resistance forces. An alternative structure capable to undertake the state’s functions and to protect its citizens is still lacking in Russia.

The disappearance of the GDR from the political map of Europe over a quarter of century ago clearly marked the beginning of the process of destabilisation of the continent, which are now manifesting themselves in an especially dramatic way in Ukraine and around it. This alone necessitates a more thorough analysis of the history of the East German republic that, to a great extent, embodied the European ideas of peacefullness and social equity. The attempts to reduce the memory of GDR only to the «Stasi horrors» are inappropriate. Edward Snowden proved beyond any doubt that the secret services of the countries portraying themselves as the leaders of the world’s democracy have left Stasi far behind in terms of horrors. The 65th anniversary of the creation of GDR calls for a serious discussion on the main stages of her 40 year-long development from a zone of occupation to a respected member of the European family of peoples. For Russia this subject is especially relevant because it reminds that of one the basic human truths is that you cannot leave a friend in need if you do not want to find yourself on your own. The Russian-German cooperation remains the cornerstone of European peace. The preservation of the traditions of friendship that have always characterised the relationships between the Russians and East Germans is in the interests not only of Russia and Germany but those of the entire continent as well.

The article deals with a comparative analysis of «Moldavian question» in Bessarabia in late XIX and early XX century. Bessarabia was an object of symbolical competition of Russian Empire and Romanian national state. The comparison of Bessarabian case with other «national questions» in Russia shows that the Moldavians had complex position in the ethno-cultural hierarchies and their national movement demonstrated resemblance with the nationalisms of both «western» and «eastern» national borderlands of Russian Empire. In Romanian national imagination and policy Bessarabia played smaller role as compared with Transilvania and Bucovina.

The introduction of guilds in Saint Petersburg in 1722 played an important role in the growth of the city’s handicrafts and corporate self-administration. With signs of development in the middle of the nineteenth century, a civic consciousness appeared in the guilds. Initiatives of the guild masters during the period of reform, demanding the right to choose permanent and non-permanent masters, were not supported by the state, which brought about institutional stagnation, in spite of considerable growth of guilds up to 1914.

Sytin was one of the most important figures of the publishing business at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century in Russia. This article gives us not only an analysis of his biography, but also shows the process of the development of the book publishing business and Sytin’s key role in it. The personality of the entrepreneur is considered in the complex and difficult historical context.

The World War I changed the geopolitical picture of the post-war Europe and encouraged emergence of extraordinary personalities. Stanislaw Bulak-Balakhovich, a guerilla warrior, adventurer, lucky and successful army commander, can be described as one of such figures. War experience he obtained at the frontlines and personal qualities ensured that he was welcomed in armies of several states, including the Russian Empire, the Soviet Russia, Estonia, and Poland. Bulak-Balakhovich made his way from the rank of captain of horses in the Russian Imperial army to the rank of the Polish Republic army general rapidly. He was decorated with Virtuti Militari, the highest Polish order. His attempts to create Belorussian detachments (army) failed because the Polish leaders vigorously suppressed any expression of national self-consciousness on territory under their control. After the Soviet-Polish war ended and the self-contained march to Belorussia failed Bulak-Balakhovich resided in Poland down to the World War II beginning and collaborated with the Polish military command (intelligence and counterintelligence).

Based on the materials from the US press the article explores special aspect of the period of international crisis 1938−1939. The American society in 1920−1930s had two tendencies in respect to the threat of war: «isolationists» on one hand, and «internationalists» on the other hand. Central and local newspapers provide a vivid description of society’s reaction to crisis moments in the international relations in 1938−1939.

The author considers the Soviet satirical press of the 1930s on the example of «The Crocodile» magazine. The historical and political context of the magazine’s existence is discussed in connection with tasks that were set for the Soviet satire of that period. The author analyzes «The Crocodile» editorial board’s policy, the circle of the magazine’s writers, main themes of publications. A particular attention is paid to the issue of denunciations on the magazine’s staff members made to the State Political Directorate. Reasons of «The Crocodile» reform of 1934 are considered in detail. The article is predominantly based on archive materials including documents from the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation Central Archive.