The article deals with the current situation and issues of policies restructuring in Central Asia and Central Asian region in result of the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan. The macro-region as a whole in different measures supports the struggle against terrorism but within this struggle’s framework the USA infiltrates the region and starts playing military-political and economic game of its own there. At the same time China is being pushed off the region while Russia is being squeezed out of it. Raw materials resources and transportation infrastructure are being placed under control. The USA supports and enhances opposition’s attacks against the authorities in all countries while number of schism axes is increasing drastically and elites and populations are drifting away from each other. The political space as a whole is getting to be increasingly chaotic and the social structure is getting to be increasingly fragmented. All that brings about build-up of instability. The authors demonstrate that in Afghanistan nothing has changed but enhancement of instability and… growth of narcotic drugs output. That situation is one more evidence that the world starts building differently: the controlled instability is being created at the periphery and this instability promotes the stagnation. The new «grand game» is the arms race and at the same time the scramble for conquest of narcotic drugs producing territories is unfolding. «Clashes» among potential lords of the world bring about construction of periphery of the peculiar archaic type. The contemporary situation is characterized by the fact that ideology as a form of the classic conscience and the classic modern is replaced with magic craft which is specific to the archaic epoch and post-modern. Synthesis of these two epochs is really abominable. To resist those who impose archaic forms of life and thought it is necessary to mobilize all healthy social forces for fight against indigenization of the society.

The analysis of data published in the People’s Republic of China demonstrates that after 1970 the US administration, most probably, has grossly underestimated the level of Chinese strategic forces' development as well as problems this development might create for the US if Peking changes its passive foreign policy to an active one. The author sets forth several arguments in favor of an opinion that the US policy in the past three decades was, by and large, precisely what as the Chinese leaders would like it to be. The only exception to this rule was the problem of Taiwan. Thus, the US foreign policy is far from being the best from the US interests' standpoint.

Between 1885 and 1905 the traditional American view of Russia as a friendly Christian empire gave way to a missionary crusade to reform the backward autocracy and emancipate the oppressed Russian people. This historic shift in American attitudes did not arise solely from increasing realism about tsarist repression or anger at Russian expansion in the Far East, as previous studies asserted. To fully understand the fundamental reorientation, historians must also examine how Americans came to channel their evangelical fervor toward Russia and how they reconsidered the racial status of the Russian people. In that light, the crusade for a «free Russia» can be understood as part of the global extension of an American civilizing mission, which had the gratifying effect of reinforcing confidence in the special virtues of the United States. Thus, we can see in the 1885−1905 period the early origins of both a century-long drive to remake Russia and a long-term tendency to treat Russia as a «dark double» or «imaginary twin» of the U.S.

Peter the Great’s death left Russia with no rulers to match him. Nonetheless, his successors proved to be smart enough to realize the necessity of keeping Russia allied with great European powers. This helped secure the means to pursue St. Petersburg’s basic international goals. A young player in the world game of power politics, Russia still managed to adroitly capitalize on Franco-Austrian rivalry on the continent, and Franco-British antagonisms outside Europe. Consequently, she succeeded not only in preserving the Peter’s legacy, but also in setting the stage for herself to become one of the major architects of the new international order which comprised the fundamental components destined to survive through most of the XIX-th century.

The original Eurasianism was driven by the pathetic protest against the petty political games of the Russian emigrants. The Eurasians thought that salvation of Russia lied not in new political upheavals but in preservation and multiplication of its spiritual and creative potential. However the Eurasians were seduced by their prompt successes and the prospect of influencing processes inside Russia and soon passed to concoction of immature historiosophic and politological concepts that were intended for broad presentation and not void of propaganda and blatant demagogic content. G. V. Flotrovski’s letters that are published here constitute the evidence of how painful this departure from original tasks proved to be for Eurasianism itself and how this reaction brought about, in the final resort, schism and degradation of Eurasianism.