Events of September 11, 2001 cast a brighter light on a new global situation forming the world ties' system. Besides that, these events became the trigger for systemic actions that, if one summarizes what is going on, constitutes the 'new imperialism', i.e., the active policy aimed at the events' outrunning. Thus it is a prototype of the US 'doctrine of preemptive actions'. Simultaneously with the USA rise horizons of development of another global subject, an economic universality of the New North, the product of universal economy subject to commands of high quarters and the process of elites' transnationalization becomes more and more visible. Coincident with that the sphere of what was previously considered as the South expands. Evaluations of the South diverge within a wide range: from «the source of life» supporting existence of the aging West to «the new barbarity» strangling the civilization. The world North and the world South acquire the global proportions. They exist on the same planet but represent increasingly different worlds that have different historical teleologies. Perhaps, nowadays two strategic scenarios of the development may be traced. One logical trajectory with a rather clear design is the peaceful completion of the geo-economic structure' construction or, to put it in simpler terms, creation of the global issue and fiscal system. However if the planet’s cataloging which has manifested itself proves to be an illusion of a kind (the origins of this illusion are to be sought in mechanistic notions of the Enlightenment) and, consequently, the world stumbles over arising perturbations with increasing frequency the strategy related to execution of preemptive actions in the global policies' sphere and with a dynamic system of processes management will strengthen and assert itself as a new social norm.

The analysis of data published in the People’s Republic of China demonstrates that after 1970 the US administration, most probably, has grossly underestimated the level of Chinese strategic forces' development as well as problems this development might create for the US if Peking changes its passive foreign policy to an active one. The author sets forth several arguments in favor of an opinion that the US policy in the past three decades was, by and large, precisely what as the Chinese leaders would like it to be. The only exception to this rule was the problem of Taiwan. Thus, the US foreign policy is far from being the best from the US interests' standpoint.

The lethal convulsions or birth labors? Disputes about the end of the historical science at the beginning of the 21st century. Since Herodotus' times of history is understood as Histories Apodexis, i.e., as «presentation of events» either made preferably by a witness or based upon reliable evidence. However its emergence as a science took place rather lately and was determined by two events: formulation of sociological laws and isolation of study of sources as the basis of Histories Apodexis in the 19th century. In the last third of the 20th century the foundations of historical cognizance were shattered by «linguistic upheaval» and the «postmodernist challenge». These phenomena caused the crisis of «the science of history». The author deals with manifestations of the crisis (the emerged discretion of the historical knowledge, the «linguistic turn» and the «post-modernist crisis») and with other attempts to overcome the crisis practiced today. Of these attempts the author pays the particular attention to critique of postmodernism, emergence of new methodological directions, development of historic hermeneutics as the most perfect of these directions, the contemporary state of historic positivism and reasons for its stability. The author offers his own scenario of historical science development: a schism will occur in the corporation: a part of historians will follow principles of Histories Apodexis and interpret standards of their profession in the positivist spirit while a narrow strata of professional scientists will form gradually. This second group will be able to develop new scientific standards applied to the historical studies and investigations

The article is devoted to one of aspects of the Soviet national policy in Ukraine in 1920s, i.e., to the Jewish agricultural colonization and to the problems which aroused between the immigrants-colonists and the local population. By virtue of the Jewish agricultural colonization the Ukrainian leaders tried to attract Jews to agricultural labor, to involve the Jewish population of the Soviet Union in the construction of socialism and, by improving economic conditions of this population to strengthen its own influence. Besides that, the Bolshevists hoped that this policy would ensure support of the USSR on the part of influential Jewish circles of Europe and the USA. However, due to several reasons rooted in the social-economic factor caused ethnic frictions between the local population and immigrants and the rise of anti-Semitic moods and attitudes in the countryside as well as among the urban dwellers. It is noted that where the interethnic relations were organized properly the frictions became weaker and gave way to good neighbors' relations between representatives of various ethnic groups. Though the Jewish agricultural colonization did not solve all tasks set forth by the USSR leadership it played, on the balance, its role in development of interethnic relations in our country

The Order of Malta is a state enjoining the status of exterritoriality. Nowadays it is located in Italy. It is over nine centuries old and its history is intertwined with the past and present of Europe and Russia. The Order was founded in Jerusalem and repeatedly changed its locations. In the process it was called either the Order of the knights of Cyprus or Rhodes and, since 1530, it bears the name of the Order of Malta. In fact, it always remained to be the Order of the Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem. In the 16th and 17th centuries it became a mighty military state which put an end to the Turkish dominance over the Mediterranean. The greatest activity in relations of the Order of Malta and Russia was due to the period of Paul I, the Emperor of Russia, reign. In 1797 Paul I concluded the Convention with the Order and at the request of its leaders became its Protector. When Ferdinand Gompesh, the Grand Master of the Order, after a short resistance surrendered Malta to Napoleon no Catholic ruler of Western Europe did offer a help to the Order. However, it was the Orthodox Russian emperor who gave the help. In the subsequent 200 years history of the Order there were periods when its activity was suspended, periods of collaboration with governments of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Several times the Order experienced interference of Vatican, its powerful patron. More than once the problem of sovereignty emerged in the most acute forms. During the past 100 years the Order is engaged in charity and humanitarian activities and tries its best to return to Malta.

G. Aleksinski’s life seen against the background of events Aleksinski was involved in allows a better understanding of peculiarities of Bolshevism as a phenomenon not just political but also social and cultural, genetically connected to the popular conscience’s peculiar mental features and to perception of the world by the intelligentsia in Russia. Aleksinski, the flamboyant denouncer of the Bolshevists who had been a supporter of Lenin earlier, was an odious figure among the post-October emigrants and retained a reputation of a Bolshevist of a kind. Those who described Aleksinski in this way meant not his views (these were not distinguished by their stability) but a specific style of behavior, psychological sketch of his personality. Aleksinski, the perpetual denouncer remained a lone politician even in his star hour, when the sensational declaration on the Bolshevist leaders' ties with Germany was published. In the revolutionary conditions the patriotic moods the initiators of the action and Aleksinski aimed at did not display any stability and did not prevent Bolshevists from coming to power. However one of the advantages the Bolshevists had in comparison to their competitors was precisely the open rupture with the tradition of moral restraints in politics. What was at that time estimated as the moral deficiency at the individual level was converted in the instrument of the revolutionary mobilization of the people and of power retaining