The author traces the intricate role of the United States diplomacy and a contingent of US Army within the context of many cataclysmic event of the Bolshevik revolution across Siberic and the far Eastern provinces of Russia. President Wilson initial policy of nonintervention which he declared on the eve of Civil war transformed into the imperia list design of different military cliques (including Japan) further confused the question of American search for “Russian dilemma”.

Saxony-Poland was most strange Russia`s ally in the Great Northern War. Russo-Polish tensions deeply rooted in history made it hard to imagine the possibility of their cooperation against Sweden. Nevertheless by 1700 they found themselves united in anti-Swedish coalition. The authors of the article assert that the factors which contributed to the emergence of the alliance between Peter the Great and Augustus II were initially charged with destructive potential strong enough to undermine the Northern Alliance long before the Nystadt Congress of 1721.

The State Council was the highest legislative authority of Russian Empire. And originally it wasn’t designed to play a judicial role. But new administrative system created by Alexandre I required some adjustment already in their first years. So, the State Council (and, first and foremost, its Department of Civil and Religious Affairs) became the highest judicial body of the state. The article reveals features of work of the State Council as the highest court, attempt to relieve the Civil Department of functions that do not properly belong to it, the impact of the reform process, economic and social development of the latter half of the 19th century on the evolution of activities of the Civil Department.

Based on the analysis of little-known documents stored in domestic and foreign archival institutions and previously published materials, the article highlights the formation of the Russian-Ukrainian border on the Don in 1918. The author focuses on the features of lengthy and intense negotiations, sometimes accompanied by an escalation of interstate relations caused by the presence of mutual territorial claims. Following the talks, the states worked out a compromise option by concluding an agreement on the mutual recognition of sovereignty and the establishment of state borders of the Don and the Ukrainian State. However, implementation of the signed agreements was hindered by foreign policy events and the subsequent change in the domestic political situation in the context of the growing chaos of the Civil War. The end of the First World War and the subsequent withdrawal of the troops of the Central Powers brought down the pro-German government of P.Skoropadsky, and in the Don defeated military-political circles began to oriented toward the Entente countries.

The article is dedicated to the memory of the conquest of Central Asia in the 1860-1880s. The focus is on monuments erected in battlefields, as well as in politically important points in the region. Medals played a great role in symbolizing victories in this region. At the same time, it should be noted that the presentation of victories in Central Asia was frankly peripheral in nature: no monument appeared in Moscow and St. Petersburg, no ship of the Navy was named after the victories in Turkestan.

The author analyzes the first stage of the formation of political organizations of Russian liberal centrists (between cadets and Octobrists) in January-April 1906, during the election campaign for the first State Duma. Conclusions of the article are based on materials from periodicals and archival sources. The author focuses not only on Moscow and St. Petersburg, but also on other regions of the country, where the mentioned parties, unions, clubs were formed (Partiya demokraticheskih reform, Klub nezavisimyh, Umerenno-progressivnaya partiya, Partiya «svobodomyslyashchih», Demokraticheskij soyuz konstitucionalistov-demokratov, Soyuz mirnogo obnovleniya). The article attempts to explain the phenomenon of liberal centrism.

In an interview, the author gives his answers to questions about the relations of China, Russia and the USA, the successes and failures of Russia and China in the post-war period, at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries and today. The author also sets out his own opinion on socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The article covers the issues of a key stage in the construction of the Russian-Ukrainian inter-republican border in the 1920s. The author grounded on the documents and modern publications of leading historian scholars stored in domestic and foreign archival institutions. The author emphasizes that inter-republican delimitation in the 1920s had opposite vectors - from the application of an ethnographic criterion to the involvement of economic and political arguments. The result of the confrontation was the adoption of the option of delimitation agreed upon by the parties, drawn up by the corresponding Decree of the CEC of the USSR.

The 220th anniversary of the USSR Academy of Sciences was celebrated on a large scale in June 1945. The Soviet Academy received 117 gratters from foreign scientists. The article discusses the representations of foreign scientists about the USSR Academy of Sciences recorded in these congratulatory addresses and telegrams. The perception by foreign scientists of the Soviet academic center was different, but equally positive. It reflected the hopes of the scientific community for the resumption of “broken” scientific ties and the restoration of the communicative field of “normal science”.

The article, based mainly on archival data, shows the ideological and political aspirations of various representatives of the Muslim population of the disintegrated Russian Empire and neighboring countries in the first years of Soviet power, their attitude to the Comintern, to the theory of the world revolution and its practical implementation. The events associated with the I and II congresses of the Comintern, and their impact on the Muslim world are examined.

The article is devoted to the main characters in the process of accession of Central Asia to the Russian Empire, generals M.Skobelev, M.Cherniaev, K.Kaufman, G.Kolpakovsky. The most famous in Russia were Generals Skobelev, Cherniaev, which was due to their charisma. The main reason for their popularity is the support from nationalist circles, who made from Skobelev and Cherniaev original icons of the heroes of the fighters for the freedom of the Slavs. To determine the degree of popularity of the generals - builders of the empire, a list of books devoted to these military leaders was studied. The first place was taken by Skobelev, since he is one of the central figures of the Russian historical myth.

The article explores two models of explaining “Leninism” in the mid-20s. According to Lev Trotsky, Leninism is first of all an experience of revolutionary action, which is determined by the momentary political context and therefore is not limited to any postulates of theory, any ethical concepts, any moral prohibitions or stereotypes of public consciousness. The Leninism of the Stalinist majority in the Party is the theoretical integrity of the entire period of the Party's existence, the inviolability of Lenin's covenants, his glorification as a revolutionary strategist - above all - who has never made a mistake in tactics and has walked with the Party in step. Trotsky brings vividness and contradictions to Lenin's image in order to prove the vitality of Lenin's revolutionary teachings. Stalin's majority in the Party affirmed the canonical image of the leader, explaining his infallibility, creating a situation of worship of the cult of the leader of the world proletariat and the Bolshevik Party created by him. Trotsky lost the historic battle, because his “Leninism” was no longer needed by anyone - neither the Party bureaucracy nor the young generation of Communists.

The author analyzes the activities of those liberal deputies of the first Duma, who occupied a middle position between the Сadets and the Octobrists. The author concludes that they managed to consolidate their position in “big politics” at that time. They managed in some cases to influ-ence the course of events in the Duma. During its work, they tested their views on reforms in Russia, as well as the tactical principles of their own political parties.

This article presents an analysis of the complex and largely contradictory process of developing reforms of the local government (peasant, zemstvo and city) performed in the 1880s - 1890s, which has started with the senatorial revisions of 1880 and ended with their implementation under the governance of Alexander III. There are two distinct stages of this development pro-cess, performed by the Kakhanov commission and the Ministry of the Interior, holding opposite points of view.The question of the nature of the transformations worried both the government and split into two factions society. The first one hold believe that a way out of the crisis based on the further expansion of the pro bono basis, while the second one saw it in the strengthening of a local government. Presented work aims to consider the process of transformations, known as "counter-reforms" of the 1880-1890s, from the standpoint of their historical conditionality. Also, it reveals the degree of influence of these reforms on the organization of local governance.

Comprehending what is happening is an irrevocable human ability and responsibility. Moreover, this is the duty of the authorities. The current government is doing a poor job with this task: decades of negative selection to power, when they got there not for their abilities and skills, but for various other reasons, are reflected. As a result, the government proved to be inadequate and disproportionate to the challenge of the coronavirus. To overcome the crisis caused by the coronavirus epidemic, you need to fight myths with all your might, and even more so not to generate them. The measures taken must be minimized and brought in line with objectivity, as well as their capabilities. It should be strictly forbidden to pull someone's projects under the coronavirus disaster, whether it be the destruction of families, the digitalization of everything in the world, or whatever else. Decisions should be made in an effort to minimize the number of ALL possible victims, not just coronavirus victims.

The article is devoted to the organization of tsar Nicholas I’s trip through Russia and its influence on the activities of provincial officials. The article focuses on the activity of local administrations during preparation processes for the arrival of the emperor. The provincial authorities had always reacted immediately to the news of an upcoming trip. Among priority tasks there were road and bridge maintenance, preparing post stations and horses, city beautifications, and restoring order to government offices. An urge to ready a decent reception and to represent a province in a best way had a favorable effect on the state of local government, it accumulated activities of officials and also made them to remember their duties and, at least by what it looked like, put in order territories which they were to oversee. At the same time, an excessive zeal of certain officials and the desire to please the emperor often turned into an abuse of power.

Focusing on noble female entrepreneurs as factory-owners, this article explores women as active subjects of entrepreneurship and it attempts to study their practices as a right to independent ownership of property. According to the «Register of Factories in Russia for the Years 1813 and 1814», in 1814, business-women owned 165 industrial enterprises, and noble owners run 46% of them. An analysis of «The List of Factory-Owners and Manufacturers of the Russian Empire for the Year 1832» shows that noblewomen owned 241 enterprises out of 484 (or 50%), belonging to women. The share of women among factory owners grew from 4.4% in 1814 to 9.1% in 1832. The parameters of noble women properties, influence, and style of management are examined using detailed prosopographical data. The author concludes that in a noble economic unit centred on the manorial estate, industrial enterprises were one of the elements of infrastructure.

In article, the author considers relationship between the leader of the White movement in the south of Russia general A.I.Denikin and the government of the self-proclaimed Mountain Republic at the beginning of 1919. White refused to recognize sovereignty of the Mountain Republic but guaranteed them broad internal self-government. The Mountain Government insisted on recognition of independence and non-interference to internal affairs of the republic. Parties did not succeed to reach a compromise, and negotiation process came to a standstill. In May 1919, the Volunteer Army liquidated the Mountain Republic. It was tactical success of White Guards, however strategically they considerably weakened their positions, having involved in the wearisome armed opposition with the Caucasian mountaineers.

In the third and final part of the article the authors came to the conclusion that the Russian-Swedish tensions had not played a major role in the origins of the Great Northern War. It was initiated by other states with long-standing claims against Sweden that resulted in permanent conflicts. Although Russia was not going to constantly put up with its lack of access to the Baltic shores and wanted at least to regain its native Northern lands lost to the Swedes in the early 17th century it had to wait patiently until the right time. The propitious moment might have come much later than 1700 if not for the signing of a long-cherished peace treaty with Turkey. This saved tsar Peter from the threat of war which would have made him postpone the revenge over Sweden indefinitely.

The article is devoted to the international activities of the economist and sociologist, academician A.M.Rumyantsev (1905–1993). Based on new materials from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the various stages of his biography are highlighted: the period of a sharp career take-off in the 1950s, the time of a boom in Soviet sociology in the 1960s and his participation in this process, the academician’s fell down during the Brezhnev stagnation of the 1970s. Archival materials allowed to analyze the Rumyantsev’s point of view on the prospects for the development of Soviet-British relations and the role of science and culture in this process, his participation in the work of the European Center for the Coordination of Research and Documentation in the Social Sciences, his perspective on economic reforms in Yugoslavia in the 1970s. Thus, a large-scale picture of the participation of the Soviet academician, the «intelligent Marxist», as his contemporaries called him, in transnational intellectual exchanges of the Cold War period is created.

The article analyzes the participation of the centrist liberals in the election campaign to the Second State Duma (January–February 1907), as well as the activities of their representatives in this Duma (February 20 – June 2, 1907). The author notes the special activity of the leaders of the Partiya mirnogo obnovleniya in January-February 1907. Attention is drawn to the fact that the ideas of the centrist liberals were popular in the Russian province. At the same time, the author identifies a set of reasons that did not allow them to strengthen their positions in the second Duma. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that the left-wing radicals (V.I.Lenin), as well as the Cadets and Octobrists, treated the centrist liberals as their political competitors.

M.M.Speransky and A.D.Pazukhin, the developers of important reforms, went down in history with opposite signs: one is the “great reformer”, the other is the creator of the “counterreforms”. The author of the article sees the reason for such a different assessment not in the results of their activities, but in the socio-political climate prevailing in post-reform Russia and the specific perception of the reforms themselves.

The author analyzes the foreign policy strategy of Germany in the late 1960 – early 1970's and the Moscow Treaty of 1970 in the context of building a modern European security system. The most important results of the paper can be concluded in five conclusions: the “new Ostpolitik” is not an independent but a secondary phenomenon of the implementation of the foreign policy strategy of the Federal Republic of Germany; this foreign policy strategy of the FRG, which existed until the reunification of the country, had led to the creation of an Eastern European outpost of Western influence; the leadership of the USSR assessed the prospects of the unification of Germany at that time as “unreachable”; the conflict-ridden environment in international relations gives more chances of success for small and medium-sized states; the hierarchy in international relations requires the large states in the regional area of the security system to consider the two levels of cooperation and the corresponding balances.

The article is devoted to the international activities of the economist and sociologist, academician A.M.Rumyantsev (1905–1993). Based on new materials from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the various stages of his biography are highlighted: the period of a sharp career take-off in the 1950s, the time of a boom in Soviet sociology in the 1960s and his participation in this process, the academician’s fell down during the Brezhnev stagnation of the 1970s. Archival materials allowed to analyze the Rumyantsev’s point of view on the prospects for the development of Soviet-British relations and the role of science and culture in this process, his participation in the work of the European Center for the Coordination of Research and Documentation in the Social Sciences, his perspective on economic reforms in Yugoslavia in the 1970s. Thus, a large-scale picture of the participation of the Soviet academician, the «intelligent Marxist», as his contemporaries called him, in transnational intellectual exchanges of the Cold War period is created.

Boris Alekseevich Evreinov is a historian, writer and publicist, known for his active social and political activities among the Russian emigration in Poland and Czechoslovakia. The historical works of B.A.Evreinov reflects evolution of social thought and scientific approaches of Russian historians-emigrants. The works of the scientist are devoted to the study of the history of the Russian peasantry, including the history of the rural community, the liberal undertakings of Alexander I, the life and work of M.A.Bakunin, and the history of Czech-Russian relations.

The article analyzes the letters, diaries and memoirs of regimental priests who participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878: Bacchus Guryev, Alexander Tsitovich, John Sofronov, Alexander Lebedev, Grigory Lapshin. They reflect the direct activities of army priests, their relations with soldiers and officers, the significance of religion in the life of a Russian soldier, and the perception of Bulgarian brothers by priests. It is emphasized that the notes of the regimental priests contain many valuable observations of the events taking place, and reveal to researchers not so much the external as the internal (everyday, spiritual and moral) side of the war.

The article discusses the debatable issues of the history of the right-wing political parties of the Russian Empire. Particular attention is paid to such acute problems as nationalism and anti-Semitism of the Russian right, the Black Hundred terror, the question of the responsibility of the Black Hundreds for the Jewish pogroms. Attention is also paid to the relationship of right-wing parties and alliances with government, the program of the right, to counter the impending revolution in 1917 and the reasons for their rapid defeat. Based on the achievements of modern Russian historiography, the author shows how over the past decades, ideas about the right camp, its composition, number and place in the political history of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century have changed.

The article represents a comparative analysis of two waves of European cultural transfer to the United States in the first half of the 20th century on the example of the study of German-Jewish and Russian emigration of cinematographers. Russian and German filmmakers, who left in the 20s – 30s, are considered primarily as carriers of two national cultural traditions: the culture of the Silver Age and the Weimar culture.

The article reflects the extra-parliamentary activity of progressives from June 1907 to the outbreak of the First World War. The author focuses on the journalism of progressives, analyzes their attitude to Stolypin's reforms. She also analyzes their contribution to the development of higher education and their participation in public organizations. The article discusses the process of consolidation of progressives and ideological evolution of the “middle” current in Russian liberalism. At the same time, the author records the preservation of basic settings of the liberal centrism. The article concludes that the positions of progressives was strengthened by the start of the 4th Duma.

The article reviews the fundamental causes of social tension in Cuba, which led to the revolution. The objective prerequisites and motives for formation of the movement led by Fidel Castro are analyzed. The features of development of domestic and foreign policy in revolutionary events in Cuba are being investigated. It is concluded that the Cuban Revolution became an impulse to the change of the situation in international relations in Latin America in the context of the bipolar confrontation of the Cold War. At the same time Castro’s movement laid the foundation for the synthesis of new ideological platforms for Latin American peoples.

The article represents a comparative analysis of two waves of European cultural transfer to the United States in the 30-40s. XX century on the example of the study of German-Jewish and Russian emigration of cinematographers, in particular, their adaptation in Hollywood to new living conditions and creative activities, as well as their contribution to the development of American cinema.

The article is devoted to the views of one of the Azerbaijani leaders of the first third of the 20th century, M.E. Rasulzade, a socialist, theorist and leader of the ruling “Musavat” (“Equality”) party in the Republic of Azerbaijan (1918–1920), as well as the influence of this party on the situation in the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920.

Confusion on the roles of the supreme organs of government was an important characteristic of administration of the state of Russian Empire. So, two its highest legislative authorities, the State Council and the Committee of Ministers, performed both legislative and administrative functions. The situation not so much led to confrontation as to cooperation of the institutions. The success of bureaucracy means the settlement of any conflicts between its component units. So, throughout the second half of the 19th century the division of labour based on the status of the case was established between the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. And it was made not through legislation but through practice.

In the article, the author coverage of the main issues related to the final formatting of the Russian-Ukrainian inter-republican border in the 1926–1928s. It is emphasized that the dynamics and content of the Russian-Ukrainian demarcation in the 1920s. identified a whole range of domestic political reasons. The parties again turned to ethnographic criteria, reinforcing them economic and political arguments. The result of the territorial disputes was the clarification of the inter-republican borders in October 1928. These boundaries served as the basis for the establishment of the land state border between the Russian Federation and Ukraine in 1991.

The start of ore mining at Pavlovskoye occurrence on the island Novaya Zemlia is planned on 2021. There is some data known since the 16-17th centuries that it is possible to mine at that place zinc, silver and lead. Since the time of Ivan the Terrible there were several expeditions to search the treasures of the North. Was it possible to start mining 200 years earlier? What difficulties did the sailors face? The study of navigation instruments, they could use, is just one aspect of that problem. However even this only aspect is an important key for better understanding the processes of the acquisition of the North and development naval technologies.

The article reflects the characteristic features of the activities of progressives in the the 3rd and 4th Duma. The author also pays special attention to the extra-parliamentary activities of centrist liberals during the First world war, assessing them as a real political force in pre-revolutionary Russia.

This publication of the 1918 correspondence and 1932 memoirs of V.Pukka, a representative of the Council of the People’s Plenipotentiaries (the revolutionary Red Finnish government), details one small aspect of V.I.Lenin’s military-political plan for 1918: the creation of monetary resources for the future communist party of Finland.

In Russia, after the adoption of Christianity, dance practice was prohibited by the Orthodox Church as a legacy of paganism and out of fear of the influence of Catholicism. The culture of ballroom dance was established in the life of the Russian people only at the turn of the XYII-XYIII centuries, during the Petrine household reforms. At this time, salon choreography in Europe was at a high stage of development, and Russia had to make a lot of effort to reach this level, continuing to overcome the resistance of the Church.

This article is the second part of the research into the fates of Mathew and Sergey Murav’ev-Apostols, the Decembrists (See the part I: [25]). The scholar analyzes the reasons due to which they started their active participation in the secret societies, their role in the plot and their view on the possibility of a military revolution being carried out in Russia as well as on the post-revolutionary form of the government. This work also deals with the formation of Sergey Murav’ev-Apostol’s religious views. It is demonstrated that the latter corresponded with the mystic search of the 1820s era. Particular attention is given to the description of Mathew Murav’ev-Apostol’s ideological crisis of 1824. It is concluded that the conspiracy activity of both the brothers was based on the aspiration for social realization, unachievable under the Russian absolute monarchy.

The article is devoted to the formation of liberal political parties at the beginning of the XX century, the proto-party period in their history and the social nature of such associations. It is noted the natural connection of party structures with the circle culture that logically preceded them. At the same time, the emerging organizations were formed in the conditions of revolutionary cataclysms and largely responded to the challenges of the time.

The article analyzes the ideas about state symbols in the Russian Empire at the turn of the 19–20 centuries, visualization, methods of broadcasting. The transformation of perception of power symbols and their visual images in connection with the events of 1905 in St. Petersburg and Moscow is traced. The study of their functioning in the Moscow space during the period of the First Russian Revolution allows us to focus on the moment of inclusion of alternative (revolutionary) symbols in the phase of active political struggle. As a result, the traditional idea of Pervoprestol’naya (Moscow) as the spiritual, sacred center of the Russian Empire is being destroyed. The revolutionary political culture is further developed.

The article examines the situation when the satirical magazine Krokodil, which was published in mass circulation, was obliged to respond by “translating” the political meaning of the disagreements between the united opposition and the Central Committee of the VKP(b) into the language of satirical illustrations to show the potential and real incompatibility of any faction in the party with the opinion of the Central Committee majority to a wide range of readers. The drawing in Crocodile, depicting the opposition in the form of a compartment of a train following its “line”, was the first such experience of the magazine. The masses had to learn that everyone could be approached by a “controller” and asked for “travel documents” for the socialism under construction.

The article is devoted to the relationship of Francisco Afonso Chaves (1857–1926), a Portuguese scientist, with his Russian colleagues. He was a prominent meteorologist and seismologist, a propagandist of science, whose repute extended far beyond his native Azores and Portugal. In the article the examples of contacts of F.A.Chaves with Russian scientists (M.A.Rykachev, B.B Golitsyn, N.A.Demchinsky, and S.N.Nakhimov) are provide. In addition, much attention is given to the reflection of the «Russian theme» in the relationship of F.A.Chaves with his European colleagues. The article concludes that although Chaves’ relations with Russia were episodic, noticeably inferior to contacts with scientists from other European countries, these ties are remarkable in the context of the history of the Russian-Portuguese scientific dialogue. It is also indicative the «cross-country», since these relations involved scientists from different countries, united by common scientific subjects.

The article deals with the participation of centrist liberals in the events of the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. It is noted that many of them left their mark in the "chronicle" of 1917 as state and public figures, publicists. The author focuses on the Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP), which is characterized as the "final point" in the development of the centrist trend in Russian liberalism of the early twentieth century. On the basis of publications of the newspaper "Otechestvo" examines the views of party ideologues on the causes and nature of the global revolutionary transformations of 1917, are given their evaluation of the activities of the Provisional government and the main political forces, the forecast for the future of Russia. The article summarizes the development of liberal centrism and emphasizes the relevance of its historical experience.