The author analyzes the foreign policy strategy of Germany in the late 1960 – early 1970's and the Moscow Treaty of 1970 in the context of building a modern European security system. The most important results of the paper can be concluded in five conclusions: the “new Ostpolitik” is not an independent but a secondary phenomenon of the implementation of the foreign policy strategy of the Federal Republic of Germany; this foreign policy strategy of the FRG, which existed until the reunification of the country, had led to the creation of an Eastern European outpost of Western influence; the leadership of the USSR assessed the prospects of the unification of Germany at that time as “unreachable”; the conflict-ridden environment in international relations gives more chances of success for small and medium-sized states; the hierarchy in international relations requires the large states in the regional area of the security system to consider the two levels of cooperation and the corresponding balances.

Petersburg Kunstkamera was a leading research and educational center of Russia in the 18th century. In particular, the exact time service worked here. The equipment included a rich collection of sundials by both foreign and domestic masters. In No. 4 of the magazine “Russia XXI” for 2019, it was told about the sundials made in Russia that are now stored in the museum. An article on sundials manufactured in Europe is offered to the attention of readers in continuation of the research.

While the word ‘craft’ can be used today in a neutral way to denote any productive or creative activity, the concept behind the term often bears a negative connotation: this is connected with the evaluations of technological and scientific progress in industrial civilisation sometimes posited by the historiographical tradition. As a rule, ‘craft’ is attached to adjectives bearing negative associations, such as ‘routine’, ‘narrow’, ‘primitive’, or ‘illegal’. In this article, we attempt to understand what constitutes the work and products of craftsmen – can crafts be art? Are craft masters artists? While this may seem rather contradictory, we show that these terms are interchangeable and complementary. A craft can be art and a craftsman an artist: it depends on the interpreters, participants, and the context in which the activities in question occur.

The factories of the 20th century, the results of the Industrial Revolution and the megalomaniac arrogance of the past, are now akin to the pyramids of Ancient Egypt – they have become historical relics. In their place have arisen ecological, flexible, highly technological, and small forms of production: these have a direct genetic link with craft workshops, a fact which has led to a re-evaluation of the history of crafts and new horizons in historical research. Often, however, gigantic industrial factories, masterpieces of technological progress, sometimes obscure craft workshops in their shadows, making it seem as if they are towering over an economic wilderness. Looking at workshops, factories, and manufactories, we attempt here to consider the relationship between these terms in both the proto-industrial era of the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries and the period of industrialisation in the second half of the 19th century.

The article explores Swedish king Oscar II’s political views and their influence on Swedish policy. The author concludes that for a variety of reasons the king’s views had significant pro-German nature. In fact, exactly he turned out to be a proxy for German influence in Sweden at the turn of the 19th century. However, inside the country the king planted successfully German political, economical and cultural patterns, and in foreign policy he strived for rapprochement with Germany which might even include a military alliance. Therethrough Oscar II has laid the groundwork for an important line in Sweden’s political development existed up to the end of the First World War.

The article explores pro-German feelings' influence on Swedish public opinion which was typical for one part of the country’s military, political and academic elite in the first years of World War I. The author shows that in spite of some temporal advances Swedish pro-Germanists didn’t succeed any significant changes in Sweden’s political life in 1914−1915. As a result pro-German feelings went gradually out to the end of 1915, and pro-German people in Sweden became a marginal minority without any effective political leverages over Swedish society and policy.

The disappearance of the GDR from the political map of Europe over a quarter of century ago clearly marked the beginning of the process of destabilisation of the continent, which are now manifesting themselves in an especially dramatic way in Ukraine and around it. This alone necessitates a more thorough analysis of the history of the East German republic that, to a great extent, embodied the European ideas of peacefullness and social equity. The attempts to reduce the memory of GDR only to the «Stasi horrors» are inappropriate. Edward Snowden proved beyond any doubt that the secret services of the countries portraying themselves as the leaders of the world’s democracy have left Stasi far behind in terms of horrors. The 65th anniversary of the creation of GDR calls for a serious discussion on the main stages of her 40 year-long development from a zone of occupation to a respected member of the European family of peoples. For Russia this subject is especially relevant because it reminds that of one the basic human truths is that you cannot leave a friend in need if you do not want to find yourself on your own. The Russian-German cooperation remains the cornerstone of European peace. The preservation of the traditions of friendship that have always characterised the relationships between the Russians and East Germans is in the interests not only of Russia and Germany but those of the entire continent as well.

By convention Spain is treated in our country as a multinational state where the largest people (Spaniards) whom we mean an ethnos, dominates historically over the national minorities, such as Basques, Catalans and Galicians. An author, on the ground of his data, asserts that such a pattern doesn’t coincide with reality. In Spain itself, in contrast with our country, cultural, historical and linguistic manifold of its population is traditionally comprehended not in ethnic but in local and hierarchical categories.

Edvard Beneš (1884−1948) was the second President of Czech Republic, politician, diplomat and scientist. In 1942 Beneš published book «Democracy Today and Tomorrow» which was translated into many languages already during the World War 2. In this book Beneš characterized democratic regimes that existed un Western Europe in the period between two world wars, disclosed their shortcomings, fundamental causes of their weakness and retreat in the face of totalitarian regimes (Fascism, Nazism) what ultimately brought about the World War 2. Beneš set forth hisunderstanding of directions and ways of the liberal democracy restructuring (improvement) and its conversion into the «modern», «humane» democracy. Beneš deals with party building and political «leadership» issues as well as issues of the new human person’s upbringing, bureaucracy, corruption, attitude toward religion etc. Many ideas of Beneš and his recommendations seem to be topical for the current phase of the Russian society’s development. The article is a summary of the book by Beneš.

The article analyzes the monograph ‘The Russian Paradigm' by Professor Dula Svak. The authors examine the originality of his research and the peculiarities of the Russian studies undertaken by Dula Svak within the broad theoretical and methodological framework of the search for formulae of Russian history in contemporary foreign historiography of the Russian history.

For the last thirty years, enterprises in Capitalist countries have been fostering among their staff a sense of engagement and participation in the life of the company. Self improvement techniques are being actively promoted: once intended only for managers, nowadays they are compulsory for all workers. The article shows how the Soviet Union pioneered this move. From the outset, the Bolsheviks set great store by work on the self, which was obligatory for those running both enterprises, and the country itself. Political and industrial achievement depends not only on the amount of physical and mental effort put in, but also on the energy spent on self improvement, which is necessary in any institution. The bureaucracies of the twentieth century were not that impersonal after all, human subjectivity playing a direct part in their creation and functioning. The paper examines subjectivity in a historical context: the different uses of the word «I», the choice of one particular «I» due to one’s activity, the reflexive «I», and the Communist ‘party «I», which tries to subjugate all other «I»s, whether or not Communism is in power.

The Russian Catholicism emerged in the first half of the 19th century as a result of Jesuit missionaries’ activities, predominantly French, among the Russian aristocrats who were convinced in importance of changes and Russia’s necessity to join the European cultural tradition based on the Catholicism. Preaching in Russia was a component of the policy Holy See pursued in the 19th century. In the mid 19th century the religious discussion intensified against background of the confrontation between Russia and France over future of Poland and influence in the Balkans. During the Crimean war propaganda of the both opponents had the religious tinge. Catholic and Orthodox writers accused each other in the schism of the Church and were unwilling to take steps aimed at rapprochement, even though they admitted the necessity of reconciliation.

In the first part of the article the author considers reactions of the Czech-Slovak emigration and the Czech public in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia to the negotiations Great Britain, France and the USSR held in summer, 1939, to the Soviet-German non-aggression pact of August 23, 1939, and the drastic twist of the Soviet foreign policy as well as to resulting changes in strategy and tactics of the Communist International. The article is based on archive materials, published documents, memoirs, and on results of the author’s studies of the problem.

Responses of Czechoslovak emigration, the civil wing of the Czech anti-Fascist Resistance and of the Slovak society to «the Western march» of the Red Army, to annexation of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia by the USSR (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) and the Soviet-Finnish war. The study is based mainly on archive materials, published documents, memoirs and on results of the author’s own examination of the issue.

The article is devoted to comparison of Finnish and Russian historical memories about Russian-Swedish war of 1808−1809. The author describes Finnish and Russian ‘memorial places' connected with the war, predominantly Finnish memorials in the places of battles and Russian monuments related to conquest of Finland, and draws the conclusion that the war occupied very different places in the Russian and Finnish historical memories. For Russia it was successful but unpopular campaign which afterwards was nearly buried in oblivion. For Finland the war became one of cornerstones for construction of the national historical memory. In the second half of the 19th century memory about the war became a decisive vehicle for formation of the young Finnish nation. Rate of memorial construction at battlefields corresponded to intensity of national feeling upsurge. In Russia the memory about that war was revived only at the early 20th century. It was done with the purpose to strengthen the imperial concept at the conquered periphery. Two monuments that expressed this idea and conquest of Finland jubilee celebration proved to be purely bureaucratic events and aroused emotional response neither in the Finnish nor in the Russian national consciousness. The imperial historical myth was losing the ground to the mythology of little nation which experienced the peak of its emergence.

The author investigates work ‘Short research of Hyperboreans' written by Russian poet and dramatist V. Kapnist (the work was published in 1815 and devoted to the Hyperborean origins of Russians) and its Swedish source, ‘Atlantica, or Manheim' by O. Rudbeck (the work was published in 1675). The author also investigates history of ‘Hyperborean myth' prevalence in Sweden of the 17th and 18th centuries and perception of O. Rudbeck's works in Sweden of the 17th and 18th centuries and in Russia of the 18th century. Kapnist’s work is considered as one more Russian response to the abovementioned work of Rudbeck and, at the same time, as the final stage of 300 year history of ‘Hyperborean myth' existence in Europe. This history was initiated by the Dutch scholar J.G.Becanus and continued by Swedish authors in the 17th century.

I.M.Maiski was the Soviet plenipotentiary (an the ambassador since 1941) in London. The diary Maiski kept from 1933 to 1943, is a serious source for researchers of Soviet-British relations of that period and of international situation of 1930s. Thus the Diary sheds light on the issue of the WWII ripening and beginning. The personality of the diarist who so emotionally and vividly depicted the political landscape of London of that time is also of interest. The author is a superb stylist and that makes reading of his diary a fascinating and easy entertainment. Some biographical data on I.M. Maiski (Lyakhovetski) are given in the article. Entries put in the Diary and related to the Soviet-Czechoslovakian relations in 1938−1940 are examined. Appraisals of the Munich conspiracy (September 29−30, 1938) among Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy that initiated process of Czechoslovakia’s dismemberment are analyzed too. Evidence contained in Maiski’s Diary certainly require a low-keyed approach and are to be compared with other documents. Nevertheless this evidence is valuable for investigation of development of relations between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union in the pre-WWII years and provides extra pabulum for reflections on positions of both states.

An American diplomat and historian George Kennan in his celebrated «Long Telegram» (1946), which made such a strong impact in American official circles warned against assuming the Soviet foreign policy as entirely based on nationalistic cynicism or imperial ambitions. The USSR, he wrote «is neither schematic nor adventuristic». Thus the mere logic (though not the only one) prompts us that Stalin saw in the Secret protocols to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of August 23, 1939 not only the means of achieving some intermediate aims in his drive for restoration of a full-scale Russian power and a step toward the direction which was governed by the idea of world revolution, but in the first place as the most necessary attempt in creation of a security belt on the whole perimeter of the Soviet western boundaries. Winston Churchill described these steps made in the war crisis atmosphere of 1939−1940 as motivated by rational Soviet feelings of deep insecurity in view of the Nazi move through eastwards and introduced the term «the Eastern bulwark» for designation of the territorial changes, occurred with the pushing westward of the Soviet boundaries in the second part of 1940 during the dramatic events which have followed the capitulation of France in June 1940. The documents from the U.S. diplomatic archives cited in the article underscore the validity of this conclusion.

How do European Muslim communities live today? Why is it that their number continues to grow, and what are the social, cultural and political consequences of this trend? These are the issues examined by Chetverikova in her article. The author conducts a thorough study of the different aspects of the Tarikat in Europe, focussing mainly on the painful process of restructuring Western society in the attempt to integrate the new and alien Muslim culture. The multicultural approach adopted in order to overcome social segregation and promote the mutual enrichment of different cultures had an adverse effect. Inconsistent and contradictory, it created a situation in which Islam in Europe began to identify itself as an independent cultural and religious community. Following a certain outside strategy, this community was firmly bent on defending its own interests.

The second part of the article deals with the consequences of ‘inter-confessional dialogue' which was initiated by the Western Christianity and changed into process of unilateral concessions. Europeans proved to be unprepared to meet not just demographic challenge but also the spiritual and geopolitical challenges of Islam. Sound analysts and geopoliticians of Europe acknowledge the fact nowadays. However the dominant European circles refuse to do the same for these circles follow interests of transnational elites, even though these interests go against needs of the European nations. Meanwhile aggravation of problems in development of international processes and deepening of internal European social and ethnic and religious contradictions are gradually acquiring the nature which puts the EC leadership in the situation when it is necessary to develop and implement independent strategy which has to proceed from genuine interests of «Europe of nations» and not of «Europe of transnational corporations».

The consequence of the globalization is the intensive removal of people throughout the planet. The migration floods have reached such an intensity that they can be characterized as a real «migration revolution» (the term of author). The migration floods go into the states of the «gold billion» and shake them. The problem of migration overgrew the national level and became the international problem. It can be solved only on the international level. Different questions, linked to the migration politics in Russia and EU countries, first of all the biggest of them -- Germany, are analyzed in the article. In its second part the author examines the possibilities of cooperation and transmission of the accumulated experience, evaluates the perspectives. The investigation is based on the data of the official statistics, special scientific works, but first of all on the daily-upgraded information of mass media, including the Internet. In conclusion the author emphasizes that it is necessary to work hard to bridle the migration revolution and to direct it in the way which is preferable for the society. Only the joint efforts of the European countries and the countries from where the migration floods go (and will go in future) can help us to face the challenge and to solve the most acute problem of the present.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European ideology of Valery Giscard d’Esteing — ex-president of France and the creator of the European constitution, the first one in history. The question of its acceptance is now on the present-day agenda of the EU countries. The author examines the problem of the leadership in Europe and the closest targets of the European foreign policy. He makes an analysis of the variants Giscard d’Esteing suggested for realizing economical, war-protective and political unions in Europe. One of the important themes is the problem of federal or confederative arrangement of the future integration system. Besides the author analyzes the projects of possible configuration of the European area (creating of the «solid base» of European states, of the «Europe form Atlantic to the Ural mountains» etc.)

The consequence of the globalization is the intensive removal of people throughout the planet. The migration floods have reached such an intensity that they can be characterized as a real «migration revolution» (the term of author). The migration floods go into the states of the «gold billion» and shake them. The problem of migration overgrew the national level and became the international problem. It can be solved only on the international level. Different questions, linked to the migration politics in Russia and EU countries, first of all the biggest of them – Germany, are analyzed in the article. In its second part the author examines the possibilities of cooperation and transmission of the accumulated experience, evaluates the perspectives. The investigation is based on the data of the official statistics, special scientific works, but first of all on the daily-upgraded information of mass media, including the Internet. In conclusion the author emphasizes that it is necessary to work hard to bridle the migration revolution and to direct it in the way which is preferable for the society. Only the joint efforts of the European countries and the countries from where the migration floods go (and will go in future) can help us to face the challenge and to solve the most acute problem of the present.

The article analyses both the objective and subjective factors accountable for «the long peace» in Europe from 1815 to 1853. Most important among them was not only the Vienna Settlement per se but also the ability of the Great Powers' rules to implement it. As author contends, the leading role in maintenance of European stability which was threatened by the social revolution and the Eastern question belonged, in the long run, to «Russian policemen» Alexander I and Nicholas I since it was Russia that obtained in the aftermath of the 1815 the best position, in terms of power politics, to curb extremely destructive developments on the international arena.

As a sequel to the previous part of the article this one covers a period from 1833 to the eve of the Crimean war. Unlike many historians, the author treats the international developments of the time as a non-lineal and disparate process. He holds that there was nothing fatal for the cause of European peace in the chain of events that happened in the 1830's and 1840's. Both Eastern crises and continental revolutions failed to provoke a general war, whereas a relatively minor dispute over «holy places» in early 1850's unexpectedly erupted in a European conflagration. In the author’s view, this outcome deserves to be called a historical enigma rather than a logical result of proceeding circumstances.

The article deals with the study of culture sources which is a new and logically necessary trend in the present day historical science. The author defines boundaries of the method which has been substantiated recently (A.V.Karavashkin, A.L.Yurganov. Essay in historical phenomenology: Difficult path to the evident truth. Moscow, 2003). Principles of study of culture’s sources are compared with methodological propositions and assumptions of the French «Annales» school of historical studies and of the Russian positivism. The author argues that none of these schools could surmount the deficiencies of the modern hermeneutics. The modern hermeneutics has been focused on the problem of the unconsciousness, it has investigated the collective psychology but it has been indifferent to understanding of sources. An author’s presence in the text, the reality of an author’s consciousness and experience of direct statements become the matter of study of culture’s sources. For the first time investigation of the evident consciousness, immediate reflection of the subjects of historical process are acquiring their peculiar method.

The final part of the article deals with axiomatic grounds of the new no-assumption hermeneutics of historical sources. Peculiarities of the suggested method become to be understandable as its axomatics is compared with theoretical assumption of F. Shleyermacher, V. Dilthey, A. S. Lappo-Danilevski, G.-G. Gadamer etc. Initial assumption of the sources' original meaning reconstruction can be only of general methodological nature. However the reconstruction itself must not contain answers and must not aticipate results of a specific study. Encounter with other people conscience is always unanticipated. Besides that, the study of culture’s sources is based on the principle of subsidiarity and does not exclude a creative interaction with other methods and does not cast doubts on the very possibility of interdisciplinary synthesis.

The commentator investigates the problem of correlation between understanding of a person belonging to another culture and understanding of this culture as a whole. The commentator thinks that A. L. Yurganov is right in his exposure of flaws inherent in his predecessors' positions and his criticism of some approaches to the recognition of other people’s animation is quite justified. The commentator places the problems of culture sources studies within broad historical writing context. In our attempts to acquire the knowledge of history we are striving for paths from «material, objective discoveries», i.e., historical sources, to mechanisms of culture. Then M. F. Roumyantseva makes shift to A. S. Lappo-Danilevski's theoretical heritage, considers his contribution to the Russian theory of historical knowledge and cultural historical studies.

The author of the big review of the article by A. L. Yurganov considers prospects for the modern humanitarian studies development and, in particular, perspectives for the science of history. The reviewer is sure that contraposition of two trends in the contemporary historical studies in the sphere of cultural practices studies, i.e., contraposition of historical anthropology and historical phenomenology is a rather fruitless enterprise. The only way out of the emerged methodological collision is reconciliation of two points of view. History of mentalities and the new practice of direct statements study are to co-exist in the future. The reviewer considers the basic cognitive assumptions of such remarkable phenomenon of the new European science as the «Annales» school.

Acting on his own behalf A. B. Karavashkin sums up the preliminary results of the discussion. He believes that the participants have demonstrated an obvious difference of opinions though these discords do not preclude a visible community of opinions. First of all, that relates to recognition of historical phenomelogical approach which has just emerged as a quite independent scientific method. One may discuss the prospects for historical phenomenology only if one takes a wide historical writing context of the Modern time into due account. A. V. Karavashkin draws attention to such topical problem as correlation between structural-semiotic method and the «no-assumption hermeneutics» (the proponents of historical phenomenology consider the latter as the most important component of culture sources studies). A. V. Karavashkin advances his retorts to some opponents of A. L. Yurganov.

The article by A. L. Yurganov is a very interesting phenomenon of the contemporary Russian historical writings study. At the same time the article is a testimony of peculiar difficulties historians encounter as they try to define the very subject of the Russian cultural history. In addition to that, A. L. Yurganov touched the whole range of the general theoretical propositions of great importance. However some theses and judgments of A. L. Yurganov seem to be for from being indisputable. In the first place that may be said of evaluation of the situation with historical writings in the West. The very understanding of the «conscious-unconscious» relationship lacks the strict definition the Russian historians are accustomed to. Yet A. L. Yurganov’s striving for renewal of the academic work’s standards and rules should be welcomed.

I. N. Ionov pays attention to the exceptional topicality of the article which is discussed. He emphasizes the article’s indisputable heuristic value. At the same time the commentator thinks that the phenomenological approach is just postulated in this article and its author does not express his own attitude towards a wide range of the contemporary versions of phenomenology. The phenomenological approach to history should not be reduced to the «no-assumption hermeneutics» of a text. A historian is to take into account the hermeneutics of his own ways of perception that are related to a society’s values-focused historical memory.

The Russian liberalism emerged throughout the 19th century. The Russian society or, rather, some segments of it assimilated the Western system of liberal values by fragments because the destiny of liberalism depended on the traditions of the Empire-building. It should be emphasized that the Russian liberalism developed in conflict with this tradition and, at the same time, in interaction with it. Attempts to exercise the European ideals of political and civil freedom in Russia brought about strengthening of authoritarianism which made up for immaturity of the society. In the autocracy (samoderzhvie) liberals found not only the suppressing might but also an ally able to reside over restructuring and reform of the society. It was a realistic perception of situation. The Peasant reform of 1861 was carried out precisely due to the might of the autocracy. In 1860s the society finally emerged as an active agent of the political life and by the end of the 19th century liberalism transformed from a program for autocracy into a program for society.

The article is focused on the role of Alexander I of Russia in shaping the European order in the aftermath of the Vienna Congress. The author argues that Europe owed a spectacular period of «long peace» from 1815 to 1853 largely to Russian emperor`s views on international politics and his dogged persistence in implementing them whatever the adds against him. His idealistic concept of the Holy Alliance, which aroused so much criticism among contemporaries and historians, ultimately proved to be quite effective an instrument of staving off a major conflagration on the continent.

This paper presents a concise retrospective analysis of the basic aspects of the Greek-Turkish relations in Cyprus in their evolution, since 1571 (advent and establishment of the Turks in Cyprus) until nowadays, and tries to explore the roots and reasons of the Cyprus problem, as well as possible solutions to it. The article mainly examines the inter-communal level of the Cyprus issue, limiting itself, where necessary, to short remarks on the outside actors' involvement into the situation in Cyprus — that of Greece, Turkey, Great Britain, European Union, United Nations etc. Key-points of intra-Cyprus relations singled out, the author concludes that the inter-communal interaction was harmonious till the very second quarter of the XX century, and the clash was neither inevitable nor predestined. The unbridled development and maturing of national self-consciousness resulted in sliding down into the conflict, thus preventing the formation of a Cypriot — single and common, «supra-communal» — identity. The British system of administration (1878−1960) stimulated and accelerated this process but was not its origin. The armed inter-communal clash could have been avoided and was triggered by egoistical policies of the two communities, as well as by strategies of the outside powers — Great Britain, Greece, Turkey and the USA. Taking into consideration the fact that the Cyprus conflict is relatively «young» and emotionally sharp, the author lays out the principal points of the plan submitted by the UN Secretary-General K. Annan on the 11th of November, 2002, and reflects upon its prospects as well as on general strategies to follow in order to find a solution to the Cyprus problem.

The author presents analysis of proceedings and thoughts of Fernando Savater, the Spanish post-modernist philosopher and man of letters who is practically unknown in Russia but gained a renounce in the second half of the 20th century. The author examines origins of scandalous tint of Savater’s fame and tries to reconstruct the principal features of his concept of a man of society on the basis of the most important works written by Savater in 1980s and early 1990s. The author detects the origins of Savater’s scandalous fame in Savater’s attempts to reanimate the Derridan utopia and the ideal of «superman» inherent to this utopia. Both concepts rise and decline simultaneously. The problem of Derridan philosophy reanimation is treated as an attempt of orthodox post-modernism to enforce its Messianic and missionary positions in response to development of neo-Romanticism which was transforming ethics and aesthetics of post-modernism and emergence of other competitive ideological paradigms, neo-Catholicism in particular. According to the author, tendencies so vividly manifested in Savater’s works serve to be a vehicle for formation of not only «elitist» conscience but the «mass» conscience too.

Theosophy of Charles Baudler, the outstanding French poet, comes out in Europe as the most important stage of the neo-romantic conscience making. The article is devoted to the philosophical principles and ethical and aesthetic meaning of Baudler’s works reception in neo-romanticism of the 19th and 20th centuries. The author attempts to find out what did constitute the main regularities of this continuity. The typological affinity of Baudlerianism and the neo-romantic thought as such emerges in result of the creative assimilation of theosophical first principles and aesthetic strategies of Modernism and Post-Modernism related to these first principles. While Modernism recognizes philosophical individualization of a subject, Post-Modernism denies such individualization. That determined the brightest features in the positivist thought of the past century evolution.