In the process of its formation, the Ukrainian republic has become polarised. A complex geographical and political split separates the East and South from the West, following the interests of different clans. This rift causes weakness at the state level, which in turn makes the Ukraine more susceptible to outside influence. Today, the most worrying destabilising factor in the republic is the growth of radical Islam in the Crimea. The recent presidential elections in the Ukraine showed that in the near future, American foreign policy may undergo radical change, leading to the formation of an American-Islamic-European union designed to weaken or even destroy Russia. The main international consequence of recent events in the Ukraine is the threat of a ‘belt' emerging which would isolate Russia from Europe, as well as the threat of radical Islam permeating Russia through the Caucasus. An Islamic explosion in the Caucasus would cause detonations in Adygea, the North Caucasus and the Volga region. Central Asia and the Middle East would follow suit. What we see happening in the Ukraine today could be called a particularly shameful triumph of American policy. The USA have blatantly disregarded all civilised electoral norms. Far from instating Western democratic order in the Ukraine, America is steadily pushing the world into the flames of radical Islam. Unlike the West, Russia today has no clear-cut project for civilisation. In the absence of such a project, it will most likely prove unable to maintain the Ukraine within its sphere of influence. Furthermore, the Ukrainian scenario will then be repeated in other CIS republics and, finally, in Moscow itself. Objectively speaking, the success which American policy is currently enjoying in the Ukraine is doing nothing to stabilise the political situation in the republic. On the contrary, the entire range of ideological, political and clan-driven economic rifts dividing the republic has become deeper and more pronounced. Were the Kremlin to recognise and use this situation to its own advantage, Moscow’s ignominious defeat in the Ukraine could eventually be turned into something of a victory.

How do European Muslim communities live today? Why is it that their number continues to grow, and what are the social, cultural and political consequences of this trend? These are the issues examined by Chetverikova in her article. The author conducts a thorough study of the different aspects of the Tarikat in Europe, focussing mainly on the painful process of restructuring Western society in the attempt to integrate the new and alien Muslim culture. The multicultural approach adopted in order to overcome social segregation and promote the mutual enrichment of different cultures had an adverse effect. Inconsistent and contradictory, it created a situation in which Islam in Europe began to identify itself as an independent cultural and religious community. Following a certain outside strategy, this community was firmly bent on defending its own interests.

Russian culture has always tended to focus on literature. In Russia, classical literature promoted the growth and development of thought. Even in philosophy, the best results were obtained where research was connected with the arts. Thus, if Russia wishes to be a worthy participant in the international philosophical process, she should use her strengths by focussing primarily on study in the humanities.

The article deals with the process of civic self-organization which takes place in Moscow at the beginning of the 20-th century. It examines the formation and activity of tens of societies with different aims, including scientific and technical, literary and educating, health service and philanthropic, etc. It gives the scientific classification of Moscow societies, characterizes the main directions of their activities, relations with the authorities, their influence on social-cultural atmosphere of the city and self consciousness of the citizens, formation of the public (obschestvennost`). The article is based on a wide variety of sources (archive documents, periodics, memoirs of state and public persons, intellectuals).

In the second part of the article the author affirms that a woman «makes» a man and then takes the responsibility for him in the society. A child is her exclusive field of creation. It is necessary to settle back in people minds the idea that children are not the burden but happiness and blessing itself, that bringing them up is a very important work. A woman cannot abandon her duties for a long time because the comfort of a man and children depend on her. If this comfort gets misbalanced a family and the activity of men and children come to the deep crisis. The «masculinisation» of women strengthens the processes that let the world upside down, provoke the transference of the sexual poles and finally lead mankind to death. The author reckons that the target of any revolution is to break a woman. The suffragettes' leaders, pursuing interests of their families, achieved the enslaving of other women with the help of the labor market. The happenings of 1991 in Russia brought back in our life the basic female values. It is important for a woman now to realize anew her responsibility and to use the modern opportunities of her creative activity.

When he was arrested in September 1923 A. M. Krasnoshchekov was founder and chair of the directorate of the highly successful Bank of Industry and Trade (Prombank). A Communist, Krasnoshchekov was well known in Russia and abroad, not least because he was former President of the Far East Republic. When arrested he was charged with corruption, abuse of authority, isolation from the proletariat, and other violations of «Communist ethics». The following March he became the first prominent Communist to be put through a show trial. This article examines the arrest and trial of Krasnoshchekov from a number of perspectives in order both to shed light on the case itself and on the broader political environment of the early NEP period. The first part of the article, published in this issue, first discusses the historiography of Soviet show trials. Krasnoshchekov’s case has been overlooked, despite widespread publicity at the time, but it deserves attention as the first show trial of an important Communist official, one whose career had been advanced by Lenin himself. Then the question of the regime’s economic policy is addressed. In this regard, the turn toward stronger party control over the economy in 1923 may have been a factor in the downfall of the highly independent head of Prombank. The last section in this part peers into the «trenches» at Prombank, illuminating how the «class struggle» between Communist agents and Prombank’s leadership unfolded.

The author, Russia’s noted expert on interpretation narrates the dramatic story of interpretation and diplomatic interpreters in the 20th century in the USSR from V. Lenin to V. Putin when history was made and often interpreters were the only (and silent) witnesses or even contributed to it. The English voices of Soviet leaders – V.Berezhkov (Stalin), V.Sukhodrev (Khrushchev), P.Palazhchenko (Gorbachev) reverberated across the world in an assertive and skillful way. Many historical vignettes are provided for the first time.

The author analyzes processes that take place within ruling circles of post-Soviet Russia and focuses on the elite split and struggle of competing clan-based factions. The author traces transformations that occur within the Russian ruling circles depending on the Republican or Democratic administrations come to power in the USA. Mechanisms of V. Putin accession and his transformation from a «man of hope» to a «man of hatred» in perception of influential elite groups of the USA are discussed. The author emphasizes that old American plans for territorial dismemberment of Russia have reappeared and argues that by the moment of Bratislava summit the US principal demand was the US control over nuclear weapon in territory of Russia. If the issue of «Declaration on the enslaved nations» implementation is brought into the US agenda it will transfer process in Russia into the lethal phase. The only chance for resurrection of Russia is a new accelerated modernization and assertion of the modern project as the value. The first and indispensable prerequisite for that is modernization of the Russian power-holding class which has to accept the modern intellectual substrate into its core.

The second part of the article deals with the consequences of ‘inter-confessional dialogue' which was initiated by the Western Christianity and changed into process of unilateral concessions. Europeans proved to be unprepared to meet not just demographic challenge but also the spiritual and geopolitical challenges of Islam. Sound analysts and geopoliticians of Europe acknowledge the fact nowadays. However the dominant European circles refuse to do the same for these circles follow interests of transnational elites, even though these interests go against needs of the European nations. Meanwhile aggravation of problems in development of international processes and deepening of internal European social and ethnic and religious contradictions are gradually acquiring the nature which puts the EC leadership in the situation when it is necessary to develop and implement independent strategy which has to proceed from genuine interests of «Europe of nations» and not of «Europe of transnational corporations».

This article is devoted to one of imperial Russia’s learned societies, the Society of Friends of Science, Anthropology and Ethnography, or OLEAE by its Russian initials, and to its most visible enterprise, the Moscow Polytechnical Museum. Based primarily on the minutes of the meetings of OLEAE and of the museum organizing committee, the article attempts to rescue from oblivion both OLEAE and the Polytechnical Museum. The article examines the mission of the founders of OLEAE, the relationship between OLEAE and the government, and the role of a private association in the foundation of an enterprise on the scale of the Polytechnical Museum. The first part of the article places OLEAE and the museum in a larger European context. The grand museums of science, industry and the arts were a hallmark of the modern city and a vehicle for the dissemination of science, what economic historian Joel Mokyr calls the «industrial enlightenment.» They came about owing to the mobilization of resources by governments, associations, municipalities, the business community, and private philanthropists. To many contemporaries, such museums displayed the wonders of applied science and industrial design to the public. The second part of the article establishes the origins and mission of OLEAE. Founded in the heart of the Era of the Great Reforms by professors at Moscow University, OLEAE stated that its goal was public science, the «democratization of science.» Like many learned societies in imperial Russia, OLEAE received the endorsement and patronage of the government. For its part, OLEAE thought of its goals and those of the government as one in the same—the betterment of Russia. The last part of the article examines the founding and early years of the Polytechnical Museum, founded in 1872. The Polytechnical Museum became one component of a rapidly growing «scientific potential» of Russian society. The founders of the museum strove to disseminate applied knowledge by means of visibility and publicity. In the conclusion, I argue that the Polytechnical Museum was an ambitious enterprise that not only helped stimulate public science. Founded by scientists who framed their projects in terms of a public, the museum helped create a public. In the eyes of its founders, the Polytechnical Museum was a patriotic endeavor that enhanced national prestige and civic pride. It enabled Moscow to display distinction and gain recognition as a center of industry and learning. Finally, although OLEAE functioned within a very restricted framework, its many scientific enterprises encouraged private initiative. As the product of collaboration between private associations, the municipality, and the state, the museum was an example of a budding civil society in action.

This is Part II of an article on the 1924 show trial of A.M.Krasnoshchekov, head of the Bank of Industry and Trade (Prombank). This part compares Krasnoshchekov’s punishment to that meted out to others accused of similar offenses and discusses what is known about the lifestyles of members of the new Communist elite. The article then considers why Krasnoshchekov was singled out for harsh treatment. Five scales of causation are considered: personal qualities and relationships, the conflict inside Prombank, inter-institutional rivalries, the needs of the country’s ruling elite, and the broad issue of how to construct socialism. The last factor is especially important – Krasnoshchekov’s alternative «new economic policy» deserves recognition as a «road not taken», one that was fundamentally different from «socialism in one country».

The article deals with an episode of D.D.Pletnev, prominent Russian physician and one of founders of cardiology. Liberal opinion D. Pletnev held from his young years were well known. In spring of 1907, when Pletnev was a private associate professor of Moscow university Ministry of popular education allocated funds necessary for his long-term mission abroad. About six months later when the German police by a mistake acquired serious doubts in political reliability of Pletnev who carried on research in University of Berlin. However these doubts were dispelled with no harm for the suspect. Nevertheless correspondence between the German and Russian police chiefs went on for about 5 months and these messages are deposited in the Police department and Moscow security department archives.

Introduction of so called «concetrical» system of instruction in the secondary school has been one of the most important educational «reforms» of 1990s. Nowadays the curriculum consists of two separate «concentrates» which has to be learned twice: in the incomplete school training which is mandatory for everyone and then in the higher secondary school (in the 10th and 11th classes) for students intending to enlist higher education institutions. One could find certain logic in this transformation: for example, it is easier to explain the serious scientific problems researchers of ancient Russian history confront with to 16 year old student than to a younger student provided someone really intends to discuss scientific problems with students. However new textbooks for higher secondary schools proved to be by far more primitive and remote from the contemporary science than textbooks for younger children. Therefore the author could not pass by one of the most popular textbooks for the Russian secondary school. «The history of Russia from the ancient times…» for the 10th class is published by a major publishing company and has got a recommendation from the Ministry of education. Only extra print run of the textbook indicated in the imprint data comprises 100 thousand copies. How does the textbook deepen and improve knowledge of history school students have obtained in the «first concentrate»? How does the textbook content relate to the most recent achievements of scientists, in particular, to works of Novgorod, Smolensk and Ladoga archeological expeditions that have seriously changed our perceptions of the most ancient period of the Russian history?

To discover itself the present day Russia needs a unifying idea, an «assembly point». The author think that Russia’a victory in the WWII can serve as such «assembly point» because understanding of that war essence is not just tribute of its memory. The 60th anniversary of the Victory may and ought to become for everybody at least an attempt to gain the point of assembly. However we see that nowadays attempts are undertaken to draw a line under the War which has the eternal, ontological meaning and to misrepresent its essence. WWII is an enormous battle in which Communism saved the world from Nazism, the battle of the modern and the counter-modern. Equalization of Communism and Nazism as two expressions of totalitarianism is absolutely inadmissible for these phenomena are antipodes, foci of two antagonistic mega-systems. The principal aim for Nazism was to overcome the modern completely. In terms of geopolitics that meant destruction of the USSR and the USA. In terms of philosophy of history that meant complete destruction of Liberalism and Communism. During the cold war the West used Nazis, having integrated them in its elite. In result of that incorporation the West became the murderer of its own modern. Now the humankind can be saved only by the «living meaning» of the renovated modern.

The author highlights the complicated and painful topic of evolution which the national memory about the Russian history greatest event (victory over Hitlerite Germany) undergoes. As 60th anniversary of the victory has demonstrated, an enormous part of our society is not just losing the tie with meanings of the victory but is ceasing to get interest in these meanings. At the same time events and personalities of that epoch, by virtue of their immensity that nobody can annul, still keep to be a matter of political and psychological maneuvers that are very dangerous for Russia as well as for the world at large. We are drawing up nearer and yet nearer to the line beyond which the final and ultimate revision of WWII results and re-coding of its meanings become possible. Some facts indicate to possible revaluation of roles performed in that war by Germany and the USSR-Russia. Aftermath of such revision may prove to be really tragic for Russia. Meanwhile the destructive work the principal tool of which is manipulation with the public conscience aimed at elimination of the very ability to perceive the heroic and the sacred in history goes on unabated. Thereby a path to revenge of the innermost occult Nazi idea is opened and paved. This idea asserts that access to the heroic is the privilege conferred to supermen. Therefore opposition to this work means inheritance of anti-Nazism traditions to the same extent as this work continuation means acceptance of the Third Reich traditions.

А.I.Solzhenitsyn has marred his long and glorious pilgrimage in the literature and public life by massive (about one thousand pages) two volume pseudo-historical treatise «Two hundred years together». The book deals with the common living of Russians and Jews in single Russian state. People of wit immediately invented another title to the book: «Two hundred years apart». This ironic title in the best possible way passes the spirit and content of the Nobel prize winner’s swan song. Solzhenitsyn has exceptionally vividly expressed the old, inherited from the Black Hundred idea that Jews are not just a foreign body in Russia but that they, by every their action, have promoted collapse of the Russian statehood, spirituality and culture. Even participation of Jews in the Great Patriotic War Solzhenitsyn contrived to present in such way that, according to him, Jews preferred to hole up in the rear and if by a chance got to the frontline then, most often, found positions in some safe and comfortable places and services and did their best to avoid real fighting. Even if both volumes of «Two hundred years together» are full of lies and falsified from first to last «During the war with Germany» chapter stinks of anti-Semitism for, as it proved to be, Solzhenitsyn is impregnated to the marrow of his bones.

Relief of Prague from German Nazi occupation was the final major battle of WWII in Europe. German group of armies «Center» under command of Field Marshal Shoerner and SS detachments that had been ordered to fight against the Red Army to the last cartridge and then surrender to Americans who were approaching from the West were concentrated in the city and its vicinity. Several forces took part in liberation of Prague: inhabitants of the city who rose in revolt against Germans, servicemen from a division of so called Russian liberation army under General Vlasov, units of the First, the Second and the Fourth Ukrainian fronts of the Red Army. In the course of four days, from May 5 to May 9, the control over the city or its parts several times changed hands. In accordance with understanding with the Soviet high command the American forces that were 60 km off Prague did not develop the offence towards the city, even though they could liberate it easily, the more so because Wermacht units did not offer any resistance to them. Prague was liberated finally and completely on May 9 in result of successful Prague operation carried out by the Red Army. The author shows who events developed in Prague on May 5−9, 1945, what forces took part in liberation of the city and what were relations among these forces.

The article, based on contemporary press analysis together with the two attached original documents from American manuscripts collections, tackles some fundamental questions related to the breakdown of the old world order, the Versailles system in the «Era of Munich». As the title indicates the author chooses to focus on the explanation for the collapse of fragile, shaky peace in September 1939 by presenting the testimony of the first-class witnesses whose worldviews and capacity to evaluate the great powers' performance in the prewar crisis situation and over the first stage of the Second World War nobody could call preconceived or unreliable. The essay gives the picture of the pre-WWII international structure in the process of disintegration and disarray through the eyes of the most experienced observers from the New York Times staff and long-standing expert on Russian foreign and domestic affairs Professor Samuel Harper from Chicago University. Since the spring 1917 professor Harper was assigned to a special mission — to provide the American policy makers with advanced analyses of «Russian phenomenon» with the goal of culling lessons and meeting challengers. For many years he was an unofficial adviser to the US State Department in the field of soviet-american relations. Harper was very successful in communicating the main features and peculiarities of Stalinist modernization of Russia. He was also acknowledged as a leading authority on post-Versailles Europe, gliding down to the greatest catastrophe in its history, which culminated in Nazi invasion against Poland, the capitulation of France and the demise of the balance of powers in Europe. The basic thesis of the article is that in the face of Hitler’s aggression the Western democracies (including the USA) by neglecting or underrating the new global role of the Soviet Union endangered not only the interests of their own but the world peace as a major priority. It took almost two years for London and Washington to recognize the Soviet Union’s potentially crucial role in the fight against fascism in cooperation with Hitler’s foes. But it was done reluctantly only after the collapse of France on June 1940 and coming up to a clear comprehension what was at stake.

What the World War II and the Great Patriotic War was about? Who was its main instigator and the source of danger? Which side was the truth on? These questions, which seemed to have been resolved once and for all, are being raised again by journalists, historians and politicians who try to replace labels of good and evil from some countries to other. That is why it may be instructive to go back to how the essence of this great struggle was perceived by its immediate participants in 1945. The most convincing evidence of Western allies' true feelings by the end of the war are American intelligence and diplomatic reports on a situation in a liberated Germany, discovered by the author in the U.S.National Archives. Of special interest are reports of summer 1945 interrogation of the top Nazi leaders which American high command never shared with its Soviet ally.

An old joke: «TSeKa (The Central Committee if the CPSU) tsykaet (threatens) while CheKa (subsequently KGB) chikaet (represses)» reflects the most typical and serious problems of contemporary Russia. From the moment of Putin’s ascension the «chik» (repressive apparatus) acquired a chance to become the «tsyk» (the highest authority). However having acquired the power demonstrated its utter inability to transform itself into the highest authority, to develop an ideology. The country is incapable for mobilization while it is submerged in the criminal filth. In such situations revolutions are a dangerous mummery. Events in Ukraine and Kirgizia were ‘banana' revolutions that exploited selfish and venal interests of power elite groups. Members of these groups are hiding their money at banks abroad. The «banana» situations are easily controlled: owners of bank accounts are simply blackmailed with expropriation of what they embezzled. The Belief in possibility to establish a «peripheral capitalism» all over the post-Soviet space has finished. Nobody is trusted in the space. Therefore, there is an intention to carry out a nationalization and then to pass the principal assets over to the Western corporations. The country is sick. To gather strength for a break-through the really strategic problems are to be put into the agenda. If the power does not want to be swept away it has to change the very type of society, to replace «chik» (capability to repress) with «tsyk» (ability to govern and rule).

The author deals with the following principal questions: Are all totalitarian regimes equivalent? Was Trotski right when he was one the first persons who noted resemblance of Stalinism, i.e. the real Communism, and Nazism? It follows from the article that even though the West accepted the strategic partnership with the USSR to fight Hitler (Churchill's role is mentioned in the positive way), in years of the cold war principle of Communism equation to Nazism was laid in the basis of confrontation. The same principle proved to be dominant in formation of national memories about WWII in the Baltic states, in Ukraine and in some countries of Central and East Europe. The author points out the intimate connection between «theory of totalitarianism» which has gained a considerable popularity in the recent years and revision of the historical memory about the war and partial rehabilitation of Hitlerism. The Jewish aspect of attitudes to theories that equalize Communism and Nazism is examined. The author does not pass by silence the Islamic fundametalists' attitude to these problems. Tallying up the author notes that comparison of Communism and Nazism based on principle of totalitarianism ignores the essence of these ideologies, their nominal content. The difference between Communism and Nazism is as follows: while Communism makes its absolute of equality Nazism makes its absolute of inequality; Communism calls «for the sake of life on the earth» while Nazism declares «Long live the death!» If the positive sense is eliminated a society can sustain only due to the fear of chaos and anarchy. This fear is to be maintained by ruthless repression. Logically that may results in ideologically sterile super-totalitarianism.

The author undertakes to answer questions that are concerns of researchers, political writers and ordinary Russian citizens: How does the image of Russia change in the mirror of national and international statistics? What place does Russia occupy in the global economic space now, at the beginning of the 21st century and what place did Russia occupy at the beginning of 20th century? What was the real development of Russia which we have lost? How did balance of economic development levels of Russian empire, the USSR and the USA change in the past 90−100 years? The author adduces calculations and estimates that allow him to conclude that both in 1913 and in 2003−2004 per capita GDP in Russia was and is about one fourth of per capita GDP in the US. At the same time the author offers one more conclusion which may be a surprise for many people: in early 20th century as well as at the beginning of the 21st century per capita income in China was and is about 1−12% of per capita income in the US. However during the same period per capita GDP in Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand and India compared to per capita GDP of the US deteriorated considerably. To put it differently, in the course of the past 90−100 years these countries were lagging more and more behind the US. All these and some other, sometimes unexpected conclusions and estimates are based upon thoroughly analyzed statistical records and interstate comparisons.

The author deals with the Polish interregnum period (1572−1576) and describes programs offered by the principal pretenders to the royal throne: Maximillian, the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, his son Ernest, Johan III, the King of Sweden, Ivan the Terrible, the czar of Russia, Henry d’Anjou, the French prince, Stephan Bathorius* etc. In May of 1573 the Rzecz Pospolita elected Henry Valois to the throne because Poland wanted to arrange an alliance with France. However Henry’s escape 16 weeks after the coronation divided Polish and Lithuanian societies into several factions. On of them provided support for Maximillian Habsburg, the other one did the same for Ivan the Terrible and the third faction rallied around Stephan Bathorius. The author makes conclusion on principal contradictions between the Russian and the European political cultures: the notions of a king’s prerogatives and powers were absolutely different. It is noted that parties could not find a common language. Every party insisted on its own program. Under such circumstances Stephan Bathorius, «the upstart from Transylvania» proved to be in the most favorably situation and won at elections of 1576. Unlike other pretenders Stephan did not confine himself to the royal etiquette but acted in a more decisive way. Having lost the election Ivan the Terrible missed a chance to win the Livonian War by diplomatic means and afterwards lost it altogether.

The war against Germany required maximum efforts from all countries of anti-Nazism coalition. But the US waged the war against Japan too. Roosevelt was very worried by the fact that the properly Japanese territory was inaccessible for the American air forces that were incapable to strike at it. In Tehran and later Stalin promised to start the war against Japan in 2−3 moths after victory in Europe. Yet the US President was preoccupied with the question how to use the USSR in this war. In 1943−1944 the Americans arranged with Moscow to make use of the Soviet airfields in Siberia and in Far East. However by 1945 it became obvious that this plan was impractical. Besides that, Americans had got B-29 bombers that could reach the Japanese Islands and strike at them. However the effect of these air raids was less than it was anticipated. Meanwhile the most difficult and bloody battles on the Japanese Islands and in China lied ahead. Being aware of the Japanese fanaticism the Americans did their best to avoid major land battles that took a terrible toll in lives. It was considered that the war would possibly continue for a year and losses would amount to 1.5 million people. Then an idea came: exerting the maximum effort aimed at destruction of Germany the USA had to wait for the deadline Stalin had indicated for attack on Japan (3 months) when the USSR would attack the most battle-worthy Japanese forces deployed in the mainland of Asia (i.e., in Manchuria, North China, Korea) and would assume the main brunt of land battles. Indeed, even after the atomic bombardments the Japanese continued to fight. Only destruction of main land forces of Japan made by the Soviet troops in 23 days accelerated the fall of the Japanese aggressor considerably.

The author analyzes information pertaining to explosions in London. Information published in media allows tracing a connection between terrorist attacks and secret services and between terrorist attacks in London and similar events in Madrid. The author expounds an opinion that terrorists actually fir into scenarios elaborated by secret services. Leaders of the global Jihad are confident that the only way through which they can influence the European governments is the influence upon the European nations, that is by «exporting the Iraqi war» to Europe. The author considers the general framework of relations between Islamism and the West in the past, the present and the future. If in the past Islamism was an ally of the West in confrontation with the USSR, nowadays it is in conflict with the West while in the future Islam will be an US ally against China. The first jolts of this future already destabilize Central Asia. It takes power to pass from one framework to another for such passage entails a war of interests and, first of all, war of world order projects. However Modern is collapsing now and post-modern is in offense seizing position once occupied by Modern. It is not so easy for the West to elbow its way out from under the debris. A new idea is necessary for that effort, a new great meaning which the West is afraid to seek.

The author argues that the destruction of the USSR was not an unavoidable outcome. In 1980's the Soviet political, social and economic system confronted general crisis very similar to the one that shook the West in early and late 1970's. In both cases the crucial developments of the time reflected a certain stage in the evolution of either system. It was not a lethal diagnosis meted out by destiny. Rather it was a big challenge to be answered by politicians and society. The Soviet Union could have survived had «all the king’s men» been guided by the sense of reality and responsibility with some admixture of good fortune.

The strengthening of cooperation with Belorussia is one of the most important and at the same time difficult foreign policy directions of the Russian Federation. No domestic or international affairs, however acute or dramatic, could remove from the foreground or overshadow the issue of forming the Union State. The presented article studies the possible ways of proceeding with the integration processes, shapes and the legal framework of the unification. The Belorussian vector of the Russian policy is dependent on the necessity of a parallel solution of two delicate issues — the drawing up of mutually acceptable economic formula of bilateral ties of an integrational type and the assistance recipe for speeding-up cautious, but urgent reforms, the lack of which increases the risks in a closer cooperation with Minsk. One could be skeptical about the idea of a Russian-Belorussian Union State (and many experts indeed are), but it seems that the problem of the delegation of national administrative authorities to the supranational structures would potentially affect all states involved and it’s study is of current importance.

Economic policy of a state have a bearing on many aspects of this state’s being: on its defense capacity, standards of living and longevity of its citizens, dynamics and stability of the country’s development. The hottest debates that took place during the period of Russian reforms are related precisely to definition of economic measures, decisions and actions' content. What is economic policy? How does it emerge and how is it shaped? What results does it bring about? The article is a study of connection between ideology as a political category and economic policy as a type of state government activity in contemporary Russia. The author demonstrates a series of negative consequences generated by in result of ideology substitution for managerial activity. Concept of «ideological corruption» is introduced. This concept helps to explain causes of the Russian economic policy’s inadequacy and irrationality. Some suggestions are offered. If implemented they will enable to mute, at least partially, effects of the identified negative mechanisms.

In the second part of his article the author analyzes not just relationship of development levels of Russia, the US and other countries of West and East but also compares the absolute economic potentials of these countries (i.e., economic dimensions, economic power etc.) and other basic characteristics: area of their territories and populations. In result it becomes apparent that by beginning of the 21st century geo-economic position of Russia deteriorated considerably in comparison of what it used to be in the beginning of the 20th century. In 1913 GDP of Russian empire amounted to no less than 40−45% of the US economic potential and was, largely, in line with the similar indices of Great Britain and Germany; Russia’s economic power was nearly threefold greater than that of Japan. By 2003−2004 relationship of economic forces among these countries changed drastically: now the total GDP of Russia does not exceed 12−14% of the US GDP and is roughly equal to GDP of France and Italy in the best case. At the same time Russia’s GDP is one and a half time lesser than that of Germany and two and a half times lesser that that of Japan. It is expedient to take into account realities of the contemporary world and position Russia occupies within this world in setting of Russia’s domestic and foreign policies designed for the medium-term future. The hour has struck when it is necessary to abandon former messianic aspirations and to ensure favorable external conditions for accelerated economic development of the country.

The author presents a new interpretation of «rus/Rus» and «Russian land» concepts origin and traces their genesis back to the specific mentality of ancient Russian scribes of the 11th-15th century. The author offers a new perusal of the phrase: «отъ варяг бо прозвашася русью» (…«took their name «rus» from varangians»). The conventional interpretation of this phrase from the «Povest' vremennykh let» («Chronograph») original manuscript corpus is that the very name «rus» was derived from a name of some varangian tribe which bequeathed its name to another ethnic group. The author insists that the phrase should be read as follows: «varangians called them „rus“». According to mentality and world view of ancient Russian scribes the name «rus» was derived under influence of Byzantine chronicles from name of the elected Biblical tribe Pώz. Upon acceptance of Christianity in Rus a new concept «Russian land» appeared. That concept described a territory where the Orthodox faith dominated. As Constantinople fell in 1453 and Moscow Rus emancipated itself from the Mongol-Tatar yoke in 1480 notions «Russian» and «believer in Orthodox faith» became synonymic while Moscow Rus as the only independent Orthodox state was perceived as the guardian of the Orthodox faith until the doomsday which was expected to come in year 7000 (1492).

In history of Russia, the imperial as well as the Soviet, the Military medical academy (MMA), together with Moscow University, has always been the leading center of medical science and education. In 1920s its faculty was decorated with names of prominent representatives of medical and biological science: physiologist I.P.Pavlov, pharmacologist N.P.Kravkov, anatomist V.N.Tonkov, clinicians including surgeon S.P.Fedorov, therapists N.Ya.Chistov and M.V.Yankovski etc. Activity of these remarkable people set the exceptionally high level of the Academy’s scientific output. Such was the historical medical canon. As any canon it is not devoid of certain mythologizing and has reverse side. Correspondence between I.P.Pavlov and N.P.Kravkov which is being published by V.I.Borodulin, the historian of medical science, is an eloquent testimony of the real moral and work climate which prevailed in that period in MMA (and, obviously, not only in this institution). V.I.Borodulin also examines the role which has the civil position of a scientific school founder and some other issues of scientific schools formations.

The author holds that in socio-psychological terms Russia is approaching the end of «the epoch of expectations». The most acute schism of elites, the socio-cultural depression, destruction of the aggregate industrial infrastructure are present. To that the gradual realization of the dead-lock by the public at large should be added. Persistent troubles in Caucasus are obvious as well as lack of proper adjustment of the whole sphere of international relations and general unpreparedness for future trials. The gravest point is incapacity to provide the answer to the principal issue: what is your present and future country? So long as there is no answer to the question there can be no substantial, thoughtful analytical study of events and it is senseless to discuss all details of the Russian politics, social and economic life. The author offers possible, the most sharp and relevant versions of the answer to the question. 1. Contemporary Russia is the country which successfully, if painfully could to move from the systemic pathology (the «Soviet regime») to imperfect but normal condition. 2. Contemporary Russia is the country where dismissal of pathology is a myth. The real content of events is aggravation of pathology, transition of pathology to a new phase. 3. Imperfect Soviet civilization accumulated contradictions and exploded like Chernobyl. This explosion created a «zone». On its ruins people make business and settle down with various levels of comfort. Choice of the answer begets the agenda. At least, it is necessary to prepare for unfavorable scenarios. At the maximum a person has to decide whether he/she is willing to exist in «the zone» or not and whether a person is able and willing to fight against such existence or not.

The author considers inflation as a complicated and multi-dimensional phenomenon. The greatest danger is presented not by inflation per se, but its impact on the economic climate in the country. In order to understand this impact one has to know the real condition of the Russian economy. And official reports and statements are utterly unfit for this end. The official statistics disguises inflation as index on consumer prices. At the same time unprecedented withdrawal of money from the economy is connected with greater influx of money to the country. A «machine» for reception and use of investments has not been created in Russia. In result of that despite the permanent «sterilization» of money the country found itself in condition of short supply of money in the real economy. Such policy accelerates the tempo of the Soviet economic heritage dissaving. The principal point is how to change the state and prompt it to develop and implement a new and effective economic strategy is not discussed in earnest. This question is not even raised.

The author analyzes the present condition of Russia-the Russian Federation, its past and prospects for the future, the rapid changes that occur in political, economic, social and cultural domains, discusses the situation of civilization and mechanisms of change and traces their historical origins. The author focuses his attention on transformation of foreign (external) context as well as on dynamics of the social mentality, emergence of new social corporations and elite groups, transformation of the world order terminology which has been formed earlier. According to the author at the present the humankind resides in the transitory state when a new social agent is already present and active on the world arena and post-modern constructs of the world has already emerged while fundamentals of the Modernity epoch are still present.

No single book has brought so much of sorrow and blood to Jews as «The Protocols of the learned elders of Zion» has. During the Civil war in Russia the book used to be the principal ideological substantiation for Jewish pogroms and persecution of Jews. The book played the same role in Nazi Germany. In the first half of the 20th century «The Protocols» broke all records in respect of print runs. However when checked the book of the century, to the utmost snafu, proved to be the forgery of the century. It was concocted by agents of the Tsarist Secret Service (Okhranka) and it was published for the first time in December, 1905, in Tsarskoye Selo where Emperor Nicolas II held his residence. And only in early 1920s, when the world was already flooded with «The Protocols», it was discovered that the book was a mere turned pamphlet «Dialogues in hell between Machiavelli and Montesquieu» written by a French pamphleteer Maurice Joly in 1864 and pointed against Napoleon III.

The article is dedicated to an interesting phenomenon of the contemporary Russian historiography — the phenomenon of «paradox»; it is focused on the methodological principles of historians who study consciousness (notions, «mentality») of medieval people. The strategies which are applied here are based on totally different assumptions: while some historians insist on the idea that categories and concepts of people remain unaltered through centuries, the others ground the theory of «fundamental difference» between «the way of thinking» of medieval people and our contemporaries. Nevertheless historians of both trends agree on the idea that we can find many «paradoxes» in medieval sources and in «the medieval way of thinking» itself. As a result, we may speak of a peculiar explanatory theory that is being created in history. The author of the article seeks after finding the non-verifying suppositions (hypothetical knowledge) in the works of historians who not only see «paradoxes» in sources but accept their objective status. Finding out «paradoxes» in medieval texts and «mentality» is the result of certain guess-works that are taken by historians in the process of investigating sources or even before opening them. Studying these problems on the ground of some well-known researches the author comes close to the relevant issue of «understanding» and «explaining» methods in history and methodological principles that are necessary for the verified study of self-consciousness of a man and an epoch.

It is a publication of «Paths of struggle against the world crisis», the report delivered by V.S.Voitinski, a famous Russian Social-Democrat and economist, at the meeting of the Berlin club of the Russian Social Democrats in November, 1931. The world economic crisis of 1929−1933 made the Social Democrats to ponder the issue of new tasks that new conditions set for the Social Democrats. In particular, it was the moment to decide whether the Russian Social Democrats had to battle against the crisis or not and whether they had to consider the crisis as the crisis of the capitalism. Theoretical propositions, conclusions and suggestions Voitinski expressed, inter alia, in the report published here remain to be of current concern.