The article is devoted to the topic recurrently discussed by the author, in this magazine in particular. The topic is lack of ideology and strategy in the Russian structures of power. This lack may become a source of collapse even in a more safe country than Russia. It was precisely collapse of ideology and lack of strategy capable to orientate the society as a whole to creative activity brought about disintegration of the USSR. And precisely ideological and strategic impotence of authorities may to bring to naught all rather provisory achievements of the past 8 years. A society deprived of ideals cannot be sound and consistent and it is impossible to implement its development without strategy.

The situation with the ABM is one of the most acute problems in the Russian -American relations to day. And we collide here with a historical paradox: Heading for a creation of an ABM system the USA to day are wiring for sound the former Soviet position, and Russia, which are against this US policy is taking in reality the former position of the USA. The author who was one of the participants who had made the ABM Treaty examines this situation and tells how compromise was found and the ABM Treaty was concluded in 1972 in spite of the fundamental differences in the positions of the sides. He undertakes also a systematic and holistic analysis of the present situation and comes to the conclusion that compromise is also possible now so far as the sides have the common interest in the counteraction to terrorism and Islamic extremism. And he writes what might be this compromise.

The American civilization is the product of Enlightenment epoch. It radically differs from other civilizations. Historical and geographical circumstances had a tremendous impact on business culture of a young nation. Unlike countries of the Old World country which was to become US was not suffering from remnants of feudalism. Protestantism as the stimulant to social and economic activities and spiritual influence of Britain facilitated formation of market mentality in almost every sphere of American society life. A businessman, an entrepreneur enjoying a relatively high level of success and public recognition became the social type specific to the USA.

The article is devoted to comparison of Finnish and Russian historical memories about Russian-Swedish war of 1808−1809. The author describes Finnish and Russian ‘memorial places' connected with the war, predominantly Finnish memorials in the places of battles and Russian monuments related to conquest of Finland, and draws the conclusion that the war occupied very different places in the Russian and Finnish historical memories. For Russia it was successful but unpopular campaign which afterwards was nearly buried in oblivion. For Finland the war became one of cornerstones for construction of the national historical memory. In the second half of the 19th century memory about the war became a decisive vehicle for formation of the young Finnish nation. Rate of memorial construction at battlefields corresponded to intensity of national feeling upsurge. In Russia the memory about that war was revived only at the early 20th century. It was done with the purpose to strengthen the imperial concept at the conquered periphery. Two monuments that expressed this idea and conquest of Finland jubilee celebration proved to be purely bureaucratic events and aroused emotional response neither in the Finnish nor in the Russian national consciousness. The imperial historical myth was losing the ground to the mythology of little nation which experienced the peak of its emergence.

The author investigates work ‘Short research of Hyperboreans' written by Russian poet and dramatist V. Kapnist (the work was published in 1815 and devoted to the Hyperborean origins of Russians) and its Swedish source, ‘Atlantica, or Manheim' by O. Rudbeck (the work was published in 1675). The author also investigates history of ‘Hyperborean myth' prevalence in Sweden of the 17th and 18th centuries and perception of O. Rudbeck's works in Sweden of the 17th and 18th centuries and in Russia of the 18th century. Kapnist’s work is considered as one more Russian response to the abovementioned work of Rudbeck and, at the same time, as the final stage of 300 year history of ‘Hyperborean myth' existence in Europe. This history was initiated by the Dutch scholar J.G.Becanus and continued by Swedish authors in the 17th century.

Conflict situations that occurred in Moscow University in the late 19th century and were caused by insistent urge of medical department students to assert their rights to the full-fledged higher education and to get instruction from worthy and respected teachers. These situations are investigated on the grounds of archive materials, first of all, on the basis of Moscow law protection department’s files. The article describes how the most famous Moscow therapeutist, distinguished ordinary Professor G.A.Zakhar'in had to resign in result of students' boycott.

The article is devoted to 60 year long history of relations between Moscow and Budapest, from conclusion of treaty between the USSR and Hungary up to present days. The author distinguishes and analyzes stages and important moments of the Soviet-Hungarian and Russian-Hungarian relations and emphasizes that prior to fall of 1956 Hungary had no independent foreign policy of its own and was subject to the interests of the USSR and of block the USSR constructed and presided over. The author identifies and characterizes qualitative elements that developed in relations between two countries after revolution and change of the Hungarian political elite. A considerable attention is paid to analysis of Soviet-Hungarian relations during rule of Y.Kadar. At that time relations between two countries were influenced by economic reform in Hungary, Kadar’s personal contacts of with the Soviet leaders, and interaction of political processes that developed in 1950s and 1960s in Hungary and the USSR. A particular attention is paid to drives to democratization of social life and attempts to build bridge between East to West. The author indicates importance of the first treaty which was signed between the RF and Hungary in December, 1961, in emergence of relations of the new type. Formation of foreign policy doctrines in both countries and transition of both countries to parliamentary democracy contributed to the process. The author does not circumvent difficulties and omissions in development of Russian-Hungarian relations at the turn of the 20th and 21 centuries. He considers problem of community of interests in protection of rights of fellow-countrymen who happened to be beyond frontiers of their countries. Specific issues of revival and considerable resuscitation of relations between Russia and Hungary are considered in the concluding part of the article.

The author analyses strong and weak aspects of the collection published in connection with the jubilee of Contemporary Russian History Museum (former Museum of Revolution) and elucidates problems arising from historical-political character of such museums. The collection is dedicated primarily to history of the museum, to its founders and officers. It enriches understanding of cultural development peculiarities in the Soviet period. Valuable reminiscences about the museum are published for the first time. The author notes that balance of scientific popularization and ideology, information and propaganda in the museum exposition requires a special treatment and expresses his doubts about selection of the museum foundation date and the official name of the museum.

The author expresses his positive attitude to Medvedev’s professions of striving for stable development of Russia. At the same time the author emphasizes that ‘sustainable development' concept authored by Albert Gore is a myth. It is impossible to mobilize a system for purposes of boosted development without ingredients of correct, flexible authoritarianism. Interests of individual careers, clannish interests, and ideological differences are to be sacrificed to development. People alien to each other in every respect may come together in ‘the territory of development' provided they are ready to put development above everything else. The author examines ‘The conception of long-term social and economic development of the Russian Federation up to 2020' elaborated by the RF Ministry for economic development and trade and demonstrates the conception is devoid of analysis of several important aspects: implementation of the previous Conception of development up to 2010, the current condition of Russia. Besides that, the new Conception lacks of a serious discussion on possible strategies of Russia’s development. The aim of the Conception is declarative and vague, ways are not indicated. Nowadays the authorities' principal task is not substitute political intrigues for development. The contemporary humankind has one topical mega-project of development and this mage-project is called ‘modern' which has nothing common with blind replication of Western models of development (Westernization). The prerequisite of ‘modern' is the national state which is absolutely necessary for implementation of this mega-project.

The first part of the article focuses the reader on the source of global destabilization which arose from the major post-WW II geopolitical confrontation with the involvement of two superpowers, the USA and the USSR. The author shows how the US has used nuclear weapons to bolster its imperial ambitions and to suppress the Soviet influence. The main point is that ever since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the US has deployed nuclear weapons as the centerpiece of its strategy of achieving and maintaining global hegemony. The study documents the way that American leaders have not been sparing of the threat to use nuclear weapon to achieve US foreign policy objectives. The author reminds that the doctrine of «full spectrum dominance», the cornerstone of which are technological supremacy and nuclear arms did not come into being with Harry S.Truman. He simply took over a traditional American global strategy to ensure that the US remained the dominant power for the long term if not forever.

The author examines positions of Central Asian and South Caucasus countries as well as states adjacent to these countries occupy in the world. The author supports his interpretation with analysis of the latest data on absolute and relative (in per capita terms) GDP calculated on the basis of purchasing power of currencies. The adduced materials give evidence of the fact that in circumstances of independent development and reconstructive economic growth, under impact of deep economic crisis these countries did not converge. On the contrary, they increasingly came off within global social and economic space. A particular attention is paid to social consequences of economic dynamics including main characteristics of majority of these countries' populations. For this purpose per capita consumption indicators are examined (per capita consumption of the most qualitative foodstuffs, i.e. meets, fish, milk, eggs and sugar) as well as indicators of population provision with durable goods. Situation in the sphere of popular education is examined primarily on the basis of data on development of higher education. The similar examination of public health is done on basis of data on dynamics of infant mortality, aggregate per capita expenses on medical services and comparison on these data with cumulative economic characteristics.

Faith is one of history’s motors. At the same time history of the faith itself is inadequately investigated so far. Faith is not identical to religion. This notion embraces not only what people believe in (in God, saints, after-life) nut all diversity of individual and collective practices that embody this belief. Faith is a social and psychological process. In different societies people believe differently. J.-C. Shmitt, the French Historian is a specialist in the history of Middle Ages. His subject is Middle Ages. History of faith he plots is not merely history of Catholicism, institutes if the Church, sacraments and rites. He tries to understand what did it mean to believe in Middle Ages. Author raises a series of fundamental questions. What was the role of faith in medieval society? What were specific mechanisms of new beliefs' dissemination and of the Church control of the faith? Was there any place for religious doubts in the medieval culture?

Reminiscences of N.N.Shevyakina, teacher of Russian language and literature, graduate of Leningrad State University are devoted to the blockade of Leningrad. Everyday life and workdays of the blockade have become the principal interest of the author. The author’s aspiration to communicate her personal experiences authentically and precisely make Shevyakina’s notes a valuable historical source.

The re-united ‘bourgeois-democratic' Germany on the pattern of the Weimar republic — this was the Soviet blueprint for resolving the German question as of late May-early June 1953 (see Doc.1). A month later a subject of a German unity was first tuned down (Doc.2) and eventually vanished altogether from the Soviet political agenda (Doc.3) Why this sea-change? In an introductory article an attempt is made to pinpoint the reasons and motives of the Soviet leadership in making such a sharp turn. In commentator’s view, it was the explosive events in East Germany in June 1953 that played a crucial role in this context. Further transformations in the Soviet treatment of the German question — up to the early 90s — are addressed to in a final part of the article.

This article is written in memory of Reginald Zelnik (1936−2004), former professor of history at the University of California (Berkeley). Distinguished specialist in Russian studies, he was highly respected by his colleagues and friends both in the USSR and post-Soviet Russia for his innovative approach to the many aspects of the Russian labor movement. Having still retained their pioneering spirit Zelnik`s works keep inspiring scholars in their attempts to penetrate into the depth of the most controversial problems of Russian social developments after 1861.

Events taking place with Russia for past 20 years are unprecedented. After disintegration of the USSR people and leaders of the country cherished a hope to fit into the new order while the general trend of its development was determined mainly by Western strategists. This policy generated predominantly from refusal to carry out a mission of its own, to sacrifice the mission for the benefit of foreign interests. Having forgotten out own historical mission we began to claim rights equal to rights of those who had been present in the external world order project from the start. No one waited for Russia. The successor to the USSR is plunging into regress. In spite of the fact that in Putin epoch disintegration of the state and its institutions which threatened the sovereignty was temporary halted the danger of further slipping to the abyss of historical non-existence is still very high. Sure, the question is about invigoration of the mobilization resource. The very mobilization is to be carried under circumstances of the super-power project. Does contemporary Russia have strength for achievement of this task? The author speaks not of a formal mobilization but cultural and historical mobilization, ‘mobilization model of existence'). So far political establishment of the country does not comprehend the task. New ideas are to be laid at the foundation of any project. There must be the new word the country can say to the world. For us the discussion must not be of functional significance. It is of paramount importance and it must have a value in itself. This discussion must not carry us off politics but must bring us in politics.

In the second part of the article the author touches on the main points in the postwar United States' strategic thinking and behavior stimulated by their privileged position of atomic superiority. Hiroshima led to believe that the american organized West and the constant threat of using the nuclear weapon could deter the rising of the Soviet influence, address new long-term challenges from the Third World and maintain the global dominance of the western civilization. As might be seen from documentary material the major conflict between «hegemonic liberalism» and communism of different versions was the product not only of great colliding forces of history but also of the personalities and human inconstancy of those making the decisions, politicians, military men, nuclear scientists, ideologists and strategists. In this section of the article the author concentrates in particular on the Soviet-American technological competition moving through the new cycle beginning with the end of the american atomic monopoly and the appearance of a dangerous intention in U.S. foreign policy and military establishment to support different plans of preemptive nuclear war. As the author see in a big transfer in U.S.-Soviet relationship from the early nuclear decades to the present period, when leaders of both states can seriously discuss nuclear proliferation and abolition, was in large part due to the combination of «good diplomacy» provided by the approximate nuclear parity, the psychological turn after Sputnik launch and the fundamental change in the world structure.

The 1948−1949 Berlin crisis was the first in the long line of post-war crises related to the former capital city of the German Reich that illustrated the unresolved status of the German issue and an unsatisfactory state of security in Europe. The immediate cause of the crisis was a unilateral currency reform in the three western occupation zones of Germany, which also covered West Berlin. The deeper cause, however, was the policy of the western capitals aimed at the partition of Germany and the inclusion of its western part in anti-Soviet political designs. Relevant decisions were made at a separate conference of Western powers in London (23 February — 6 March 1948), to which the Soviet Union had not been invited. The Soviet Union had few options to influence Western policies without taking recourse to force. One of them was West Berlin whose existence depended on the transportation lines linking it with the Western occupation zones of Germany. After the 20 March walk out of the Soviet representative from the Allied Control Council of Germany to protest the London decisions, the Soviet occupying authorities introduced «control and restriction» measures on the West Berlin transportation lines, which seriously hampered their use. After the entry into force of the unilateral currency reform in the western zones and in West Berlin on 20 June, the land and river transportation lines were totally closed. The air corridors, however, remained open, although it was relatively easy to make them impossible to use. This article explains why that was not done, and how the crisis was settled in May 1949 by a Soviet-US agreement.

The author investigates a difficult way to preparation and signature of the UUSR-Czeckoslovakia treaty of 1943. In 1940 the Polish émigré government brought forward an idea of Poland and Czeckoslovakia unification in a confederacy (federation). The idea was approved and supported by the British. The Foreign Office perceived confederation arrangement of territories adjacent to the USSR as a certain step to strengthening of the British influence in East European region and to continuation of the cordon sanitaire policy towards the USSR. Leaders of Czeckoslovakian political emigration enthusiastically took up the initiative stipulating at the sane time that the USSR must agree with creation of the confederation. Moscow adopted a wait-and-see suspicious position. The article is written on the basis of recently opened Russian and Czeck archives.

Un 1960s Western Europe and USA were convulsed with youth riots. A fanciful mix of rock-n-roll, pacifism, anarchism, Maoism and exotic mystics slopped over streets. So called Paris spring became the peak of the movement. Flat 40 years passed since that time. Jubilee publications are written in romantic and nostalgic tones. Que faire? Picturesque and naïve «flower children» could not survive in stone ju7nggles. Their idealism proved to be incompatible with harsh expedient laws of economics and politics. Some iconoclasts died, others «sold themselves to the bourgeoisie» and sit in European parliament. From the author’s point of view, many pillars of the contemporary global world order are realized slogans of the Paris spring. One would think what can the Russian Federation Ministry of education officials have in common with Paris students who marched out under slogans «Professors are out of date!» and «Two times two doesn’t equal four any more!» Meanwhile the orientation to «emancipation» of young people from «superfluous knowledge» lies at the basis of the contemporary so called ‘reform of education'. We confront a paradox: progressive (even too progressive) movement has turned into obscurantist reaction, while long-haired fighters for «total emancipation' didn’t not lose at all and didn’t sell themselves. The social order which asserts itself nowadays in place of capitalism owes a lot to rioters of 1968. If one takes a look form this point of view one will see that finally they conquered hated bourgeois. However by God it would be better if they hadn’t done that…

Place of non-governmental organizations in the process of civil society formation in early 20th century Russia, various interpretations of «public' notion, interrelations of public structures and the state are content of a new monograph of A. S. Tumanova which is analyzed in the article. Study of these issues enables us to give an answer to a more wide question whether there was a potential for further modernization of the Russian society or not and whether modernization was interrupted by the WW1 and revolution or not. Material consolidated in the book reveals inconsistency of the pre-revolutionary situation. A. S. Tumanova analyzes factors that influenced the gradual withdrawal of bureaucracy from the total control of the public. However the author thinks that the proper measure of control was not found.

The article deals with challenges that are urgent for contemporary Russian elite. The present day geopolitical, ideological and spiritual context requires from Russia an adequate attitude to survival problems in complicated conditions of the big strategic game which is pursued for redistribution of global resources, for global supremacy and, in the final resort, for human minds. The Russian elite take risk losing this struggle once again. That happened repeatedly in our history. Russia needs development as much as the air. The country needs to strain all its forces in order to prevent the catastrophe of disintegration and anomie. Principles that development leaders may follow amount to activation of intangible assets, to expansion of production, to imposition of cult of labor and Law, to confirmation of a value system which would exclude backward motion to the traditional and archaic state. Sure, any modernization, any reform, any action will be stopped without clear understanding of who precisely will carry out the project. «Reflection on the subjectivity», cultural revaluation, definition of social core groups that will actively support modernization are the most important complex of demands that are to be lodged to people who perform strategic planning with expectation of success in the nearest future.

The breakthrough happened in January 1990 when it had became clear that unification of Germany advanced on the first place in European and world politics. In hot discussions in Washington and European capitals the fate of Germany was closely tied with the presence of Soviet and American troops in Central Europe. These discussions were held in the Kremlin also but they have not appeared on the surface. What was the result of these discussions and what decisions were made are thoroughly analized by the author who was the ambassador and the head of the Soviet delegation on the CFE Treaty negotiations in Viena at that time.

The author on the basis of great array of facts demonstrates that the current Russian social, political and economic reforms lack systemic character from the outset. That lack of coherence imparts a diluted character to their results. The results acquire a transmuted form when proclaimed goals and intentions of reforms do not match their real results. In the end, as the author thinks, the peculiar situation has emerged: in nowadays Russia actually all basic institutions of the public life (social existence) have a transmuted form because functions these institutions perform differ from functions formally prescribed. For instance, institution of private property in Russia has not become the foundation of the creative economy, the parliament has not become a mechanism of democracy and a type of independent branch of power while political parties have not become mouthpieces of mass moods in society. In this general situation the university does not perform its mission too. The university has nor become a leading form of civil society, a barometer of democracy that exists in political life, the basis of science and technology development. And the most important point: law and legal relationship system does function because in the real life it is displaced by corruption.

The author analyzes separatist trends exacerbation in contemporary Russia which has artificial character. This phenomenon is caused by various reasons including «export» of Chechen terrorism into Ingushetia, Dagestan and other North Caucasus regions. The author points at new destabilization of the Volga region, at escalation of the «Russian issue» in regions inclined to separatism (including Stavropol and Kuban regions), at official proposals of the Siberian and Ural authorities on long-term lease of territories to China in context of consequences delivered. The author supposes the coincidence of the Russian process and intensification of global trend to development of regionalism which is the integral part of global and supranational separatism European projects. Interest the West expresses to development of regionalism and overt separatism in Russia manifests itself in different forms. These forms include international pressure on Russia which faces the demand «to expand rights of regions and ethnic communities», and the forthright support of separatism, and imposition of alien doctrines of regional development, and European integration programs extrapolation on the Russian territory. Use of separatist ideas within framework of major political campaigns becomes a new phenomenon. According to the author, the possible support of decentralization doctrine by the central authorities under urgent social and economic trends is the greatest danger. The announced in early 2008 course line towards the full-fledged economic independence of regions is considered in this light.

In spring 1943, when Soviet-Polish diplomatic relations were interrupted the USSR declared its disagreement with creation of Czechoslovakian-Polish confederation. The USSR approved neither the idea of signing Czechoslovakian-Polish treaty nor tripartite Soviet-Polish-Czechoslovakian treaty. So the idea of Soviet-Czechoslovakian treaty emerged. Theoretically this treaty was opened for the third country, Poland at an appropriate moment. The Soviet leaders and Czechoslovakian president E. Benes were intent to sign the treaty as soon as possible. The British objected because they thought that treaties of this kind between the great powers and small countries could be signed only after the war. Finally, the British resistance was cracked down. The treaty was signed in Moscow on December 12, 1943. The author adduces many documents that confirm her concept and conclusions.

The basis of these notes is a diary written in different years during travels across Latin American countries, even though the word «diary» can be applied to these notes in a very tentative sense. In this particular case notes are supplemented by various reminiscences that have emerged after travels as well as by judgments derived from miscellaneous sources that attracted the author’s attention. The focus of these notes occupies discourse on what Latin America and Russia have in common.

The article deals with recent events in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Georgian aggression aimed at peaceful Tskhinvali uncovered many geo-strategic, political, ideological contradictions that require prompt reaction from the RF leadership and the Russian public opinion. Moreover, these contradictions require restructuring of elite relationships and development of new mental matrices. Brilliant execution of military operation aimed at peace enforcement does not put the end to a series of the most acute problems. We face not a recurrent crisis generated by a new round of confrontation between Russia and the West but the global demolition of stereotypes which affects pure technological aspects of the RF foreign policy as well as its conceptual nerve. The old relationship system was constructed pursuant to scheme which implied the gradual RF entry to the Western world. Events in Caucasus ruined this scheme totally and irreversibly. Mentality of leaders must match the changed situation and that will directly define character, stylistics and aims of decisions to be made. Now Russia cannot turn its back to idea of development. The challenge is too serious. We have no other option and have to become the superpower and subordinate disposal of mobilization resources to this end.

In the second part of this article the author explores the negotiations in Moscow between Gorbachev, Shevardnadze and the State Secretary James Baker in February 1990. And these negotiations had become the real turning point in history of German unification. Three main problems were discussed than in Moscow: — On what conditions it is possible to have German unification. — It will be neutral or in NATO after unification. — Who and how will conduct these negotiations. But it turned out, that the Soviet leadership had not have the clear position on these problems and was ready to adopt the Western positions. Baker had come to conclusion that Gorbachev would agree on unification of Germany without any serious political conditions. More over, he will agree on its membership in NATO. And Baker promised that NATO would not move its military presence on the territory of East Germany. These positions Gorbachev had confirmed in several days to the West German chancellor Kohl and Kohl called their meeting «the grate day for Germany».

The article deals with problems of the present day situation and prospects of Russian language development in conditions of increasing globalization, intensification of ethnic linguistic pluralism on one hand and exacerbation of national linguistic self-identification problems on the other hand. Status of Russian language and title languages of former Soviet republics and autonomies has changed radically and brought about the change in mutual relationships between the general Federal language and national languages. Struggle for promotion of national languages' status has become a tool of political manipulation used not just by national elites but by certain social strata too. Majority of CIS countries pursued the purposeful policy of ethnic linguistic distance from Russia and this policy contributed to disintegration of once unified linguistic political space and to radicalization of disintegration processes. Issues of language law development are among the most acute issues for multinational states.

The authors consider ideological origins, history of the Eurasian thought formation and development. A particular attention is paid to eminent representatives of this movement. Their opinions and fates are investigated not just on the basis of their works but also on the basis of documents from the Central archive of the RF Federal security service.

Initiators of the February Revolution confessed that they had «desired» quite different result. However the positivist style of mentality aimed at «result» inevitably brings about the same tune: «We wanted the best but events too their regular course». Overcoming of utopist mentality style might be expected only with the change of generations at the political forestage. Failure of evolutionary development caused even greater triumph of utopianism. Not the change of «political regime» but profound changes in culture, way of thinking, tonality of human relations had to occupy the higher priority positions in program of actions. These changes would, in the long run, transform the «political regime». But such program could be advanced only by personalities of another caliber.

What one can get to know of a person from a reference given in a footnote? Date of birth and death, social origin, positions the person occupied, and person’s party membership. The hero of this essay is a typical person from the footnotes. Gentleman, officer of the Senate, admirer of Marx he gained celebrity in radical liberal circles of the Russian intelligentsia in 1871, after his performance at the meeting hosted by Professor N.S.Tagantsev where the person made a report «On the essence of Constituition» according to F.Lassalle. 7 years later this person met the lady who had been the cause of Lassalle’s death in result of duel. Since that moment they lived together for nearly 25 years in Russia, USA, and Germany. The essay published in our magazine is the first narrative about their life, bright and difficult, with ascents, falls and the tragic outcome.

Gerogia goes through very difficult times. Policy of militarization pursued by President Mikhail Saakashvili has ended up with invasion in South Ossetia, military clash with Russia and the complete defeat which brought about the profound systemic crisis. The author scrutinizes the Georgian history through lenses of Georgia interrelationship with Russia and emphasizes that the current policy of Saakashvili aimed at confrontation with the northern neighbor will have disastrous effect on Georgia.

Will Russia be able to preserve sovereign domestic and foreign policy in the nearest forthcoming years? That is one of the most unpleasant and sensitive issues. It proves to be in agenda under circumstances of global crisis. The author considers two vectors of the contemporary geopolitical strategy. One vector is aimed at the recent past and does not promise progressive development and stability. It is contained in gradual rollback to prior frontier lines and beyond them a bitter prospect of the state’s independence disintegration and extinction. The second vector is contained in continuation of the chosen course. Multitude of difficulties lies in wait for Russia’s elite. Firstly, it is necessary to heal not effects but causes, unravel these causes. Is the stratum of superrich able to sacrifice profits for the sake of the country’s future? Is development in the context of the spiritual and metaphysical exhaustion of the elite possible? Can the true Being prevail over philosophy of quantitative increments, profits, economic and class egoism? These are questions the national leaders and all who is not indifferent to the country’s future will have to answer in the nearest time.

In the last part of the article the author shows based on the facts that the Soviet Union had started the negotiation on unification of Germany without distinct strategic goal where to lead the matters and without well thought-out tactics how to lead them. At that time we could secure our interests very seriously, but nothing had been done for that. We just swallowed an assurance made at the very beginning of the diplomatic bargaining that NATO would not move to the East on an inch and had been rested on that. But the recently declassified documents shows, that the USA and Europe were ready for very serious search of compromises as to entering of unified Germany into NATO and to further NATO expansion to the East as well.

The multinational and poly-confessional Russian empire experienced problems with use of human resources in military purposes. The government had to take into account martial customs of various regions' population as well as the danger connected with arming of nations political loyalty of which caused well-grounded doubts. Situation was aggravated by the estate differentiation of the society and negative attitude toward soldiery which was considered as a punishment. Different levels of Russia’s Western and Eastern peripheries cultural and social development hindered the process of military service regulations standardization. The authorities tried to use the army as a school of state education and the state integration.

The author tracks down the evolution of known publicist and historian N. Valentinov (N.V.Volsky) opinions in the course of his long life. Valentinov, a non-party democrat and Socialist, since 1930 a forced emigrant demonstrated a rare independence of judgments as well as ability to critical self-judgment. He was interested in difficult problems of the Russian history that were banned in the USSR as subjects of scientific investigation. In particular, Valentinov was interested in such subjects as transformation of Russia before the WWI, potential of the New Economic Policy, role of intelligentsia in the country modernization, Marxism on the Russian soil, personality of Lenin and ideological roots of Bolshevism, Russia and Europe, causes of the Stalinist regime validation, causation of this regime by short-term circumstances and traditions of the national conscience, world-views and public positions of Gorky, Block, Andrei Belyi et al. Valentinov was an objective scholar and many his observations and conclusions preserve their importance to this day.

Attempts undertaken by researchers of Ukraine and Russia to eliminate the gap that emerged between historiography schools of Russia and Ukraine after disintegration of the Soviet statehood not just failed. On the contrary, the gap is getting to increase. The principal reason for that is hidden in the Ukrainian historiography basic ‘paradigm' aimed at ever increasing ideological and mythological components of the Ukrainian history as well as at forgery of the most contradictory facts. Emergence, political nature, and activities of the Central Rada as a political institution from the contemporary Ukrainian statehood takes its ideal origin is one of the most mythologized moments of the 20th century Ukraine history moments. Myths about the Central Rada invented by Ukrainian historians have not a historical but obviously political character and are targeted to forgery of the common historical past, unsubstantiated accusations of the Russian government, and victimization of the Ukrainian party. Such myth invention is easily disclosed by virtue of genuine scientific and objective approach to study of history. Unfortunately, however, until creation of myths, not scientific examination of historical facts will dominate in the Ukrainian historiography the dialogue between historians of Russia and Ukraine will be exceptionally hampered.

The article is a theological investigation of the Grace-filled Flame based ob analysis of the Orthodox tradition authentic texts, including the Holy Scripture, Books of the Old and New Covenant, Holy Fathers' writings, sacred worship chants. In result of analysis the author comes to the conclusion that the very notion of the Grace-filled Flame being immutable in the course of its existence is the integral attribute of the Orthodox Church spiritual practice and theology. The problem is analyzed in terms of Grigory Palama’s theology. According the hypothesis set forth in the article the Grace-filled Flame is the portent of the Lord and a human being meeting and their spiritual and energetic mergence.