While analyzing the Shusha declaration between Azerbaijan and Turkey the author centers around the key spheres of cooperation, which are specified in the document. He draws a parallel between the bilateral dialogue of the states and the cooperation within the Turkic Council. The author concludes that for Azerbaijan and Turkey the Shusha declaration is a significant step towards each other. It is also suggested that the declaration may become a basis for the further cooperation of all Turkic states. The article reviews possible consequences and risks for Russia in the light of growing assertiveness of Turkish foreign policy.

Tsarevna Sophia Alekseevna (1657–1704) ruled Russia for seven years (1682–1689). A contemporary assured that "there had never been such a wise rule in the Russian state": the country was enriched, enlightened with sciences and decorated with justice. The tsarevna relied on the reforms of her enlightened brother Fyodor, which went also seven years (1676–1682). But between their reigns lay a powerful uprising of Streltsy and soldiers in Moscow from the spring to the autumn of 1682, which almost crushed the noble state. In the course of it, a revolt of supporters of the old faith nearly brought down the official Church. It seemed a miracle that the tsarevna was able to overcome all this and return the state to peaceful life. She protected the economy and developed Russian trade, forever took away Kiev from the Poles, and from Constantinople – the Orthodox Church of Little Russia, Poland and Lithuania.

This article is dedicated to the memory of Princess Daria Lieven, who is called the first Russian female diplomat. Not an official diplomat, but rather a secret or behind-the-scenes diplomat, still an incredibly skillful and outstanding one. Accompanying her husband, Khristofor Andreyevich Lieven, a Russian diplomat in Berlin and London, she, thanks to her natural feminine charm, refined manners and wit, very quickly found herself in the center of attention of representatives of high European society. While with the help of outstanding charisma, acute observation and a mascuiline, cold and judicious mind, she received important information about the politics of European powers. Darya Lieven, by her own admission, served her Russian fatherland faithfully.

The article examines the reflection of the theme of childhood in China at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in the pages of the journal «Vestnik Evropy» as an attempt by contemporaries to understand the national character of the Chinese. Changes in the “children’s world” in connection with the process of Europeanization are noted. At the same time, it is emphasized that traditional state and social foundations and spiritual and moral guidelines were preserved during the reforms. This ensured the viability of the centuries-old model of family education, based on the inseparable unity of generations.

This article examines the development of the strategies of interaction between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire and the Constitutional-Democratic faction during the period of the III State Duma (1907–1912). The desire of the diplomatic staff to cooperate with the deputies, including the oppositional ones, is especially evident during these years. Whereby, the article focuses not only on their interaction during the formal work of the lower chamber of parliament, but also on informal practices of cooperation, that had become an important channel of communication between the government officials and the public representatives. Thus, during these years public opinion begins to play a significant role in shaping the course of foreign policy of the Russian Empire.

The article is devoted to informal practices of interaction between the leader of the Union of 17 оctober, A.I.Guchkov, and key political figures, Prime Minister P.A.Stolypin and Emperor Nicholas II. The article examines the process and results of informal interaction, in which Guchkov saw a way to strengthen his own political authority and the party's positions. Despite a number of successes achieved, the failure of Guchkov's tactics in 1910–1911 marked the beginning of the decline of cooperation between the government and the Octobrists.

The article examines the assessments of the political and social activities of the Chairman of the Russian Provisional Government and leader of the Union of Zemstvos Georgy Lvov, reflected in the press of the Russian Diaspora in the 1920–1930s, the formation of which was a consequence of the October Revolution and the Civil War. The sources of the article are such periodicals of the White émigré as «Poslednie novosti», «Russkaia gazeta», «Dvuglavyi orel», «Vysshii monarkhicheskii sovet», «Russkaia letopis'», «Volia Rossii» and memoirs of contemporaries of Prince Georgy Lvov. The article examines the assessments by representatives of the White émigré of the work of the Russian Zemstvos and Towns Relief Committee of Russian Citizens Abroad, which maintained continuity in relation to pre-revolutionary Russian zemstvo, the first chairman of which was Georgy Lvov.

The son of King Irakli II, Alexander, was the leader of those who opposed Georgia's entry into the Russian Empire for three decades. Historical sources from 1799-1829 indicate that he was a prominent participant in military and political events in Transcaucasia. However, the image of Tsarevich Alexander Iraklievich did not occupy the same place in the memory of the Georgian people as Salavat Yulaev did in Bashkiria, Imam Shamil did in the North Caucasus, Tadeusz Kosciuszko did in Poland, and Leo Michelin did in Finland. The article examines the issue of the formation of state (national) pantheons, composed of images of those people who, according to the consolidated opinion, played the most important roles in the struggle for freedom.

The article tells about the character and state deeds of Tsarevna Sophia Alekseyevna (1657–1704) and her “comrades”, as their closest colleagues and assistants were called in the 17th century. The starting point of the study was the historiographic legend about the love affair of the Tsarevna with the politician Prince V.V. Golitsyn (1643–1714) and the administrator F.L.Shaklovity (c. 1645–1689), told by Prince B.I.Kurakin in Paris in 1723–1727. The first part of the article told how the Tsarevna stopped the uprising of the best regiments of the new Russian army in the spring and summer of 1682 and suppressed the revolt of the Old Believers, achieving pacification by organizing dual power of state structures with the rebels. Here we will examine Sophia's measures to eliminate the rebellion and overcome its consequences by the compromise government (1682‒1689), in which Golitsyn and Shaklovity played the main role.

The article examines the most important processes in international relations and domestic politics of Petrine Russia – the process of legalizing Catholic church-building. It clarifies the chronology and circumstances of Catholics obtaining the legal right to make Church buildings in Russia, and studies the nature of the laws adopted in this field. Russian Catholics received permission to have permanent temples in the early of 18th century, and it was legally issued at least five times. At the same time, the Russian authorities, fearing increased interference by Catholic countries in the internal life of Russia, have not confirmed the freedom of Roman church-building by special legislative acts at the internal level. The author found out that the issue of the legal sanction of Catholic temple construction in Russia, 17-th and 18-th centuries, remained primarily a foreign policy issue.

This article attempts a biographical reconstruction of the artist's life with reference to his painting V. I. Lenin in Smolny (1930). I. I. Brodsky (1884–1939) and his work are presented against the backdrop of the terror of the 1930s, the ideological collapse of the fine arts, and the artist's personal success. The diaries of P. N. Filonov (1883–1941) make it possible to see I. I. Brodsky from an unusual perspective not only as the founder of the whole direction of the so-called socialist realism in the fine arts of the Soviet Union, but also as a man with his own thoughts and feelings

The article is devoted to the problems of the formation of cooperative associations in the USSR in the 1920s. With the end of the civil war, the objective need to restore and establish the activities of cooperation urgently required economic science to analyze the place and functions of cooperation in the national economy of the country. The discussions around the question are analyzed – does Soviet cooperation belong to the socialist type of enterprises or not? The place of cooperative property in the economic system of the Soviet state is analyzed, the tendency in the formation and development of the idea of less maturity of cooperative property compared with the state is considered.

It is known that the basis of the preparation of the leadership of Nazi Germany for the invasion of the Soviet Union was the development of the so-called “Eastern policy”, designed to differentiate the actions of the German military authorities and the civil administration in relation to Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Jews, and other ethnic groups who remained in the occupied territories. Although its main developer was Hitler himself, whose opus “Mein Kampf” served as the foundation of the Nazi ideology, the top leaders of the Third Reich, primarily Rosenberg, Goering and Himmler, who were part of the Fuhrer's inner circle, also had a significant influence on its formation. Secretly scheming against each other in the struggle for power, they also vied for the unspoken status of Hitler's first adviser in matters of “Eastern policy”.

Based on little-known and unknown to the general scientific community documentary complexes of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as materials of regional archival institutions, the author highlights attempts to clarify the Russian-Ukrainian inter-republican border in 1928–1944. The author emphasizes that during this period, the actualization of the process of Russian-Ukrainian demarcation no longer had the same severity and intensity inherent in the first half of the 1920s and was exclusively peaceful in nature. Nevertheless, both republics once again decided to turn to economic and ethnographic factors as key arguments in order to adjust the line of the Russian-Ukrainian inter-republican border. At the same time, it should be recognized that the reasons for such changes were quite compelling. However, the result was only a minor adjustment in September 1944 of the border line in favor of the Ukrainian SSR on the border of the Rostov and Voroshilovgrad regions.

The autobiographical essay focuses on the fate of a child who lost his mother and was effectively adopted into the family of his grandmother and aunt. The narrative begins with the history of two families on the maternal and paternal lines, which had peasant roots and reached the level of the urban middle classes in post-reform Russia. The childhood of the grandson of the heads of these families is associated with his place of residence, the city of Yalta in the 1930s. This time of childhood was cut short by the war in 1941. The author recalls it in different aspects of life: the appearance of the city, the social environment, everyday life, etc. The essay pays attention to the religious issue and interethnic relations. An important factor in the child's formation was his entry into the world of books.

In the context of the formation of a multipolar world order, the Italian Republic is facing a number of new challenges and opportunities. This work is devoted to the analysis of Italy's foreign policy strategy in the context of shifting centers of economic and political influence, the transformation of transatlantic relations and the strengthening of regional actors. The issues of strengthening positions in the European Union, the use of "soft power" and participation in international organizations as tools for promoting national interests are considered. The work is of interest to specialists in the field of international relations, political science, economics and anyone who is interested in Italy's foreign policy and its role in the modern world.

This article is devoted to the evolutionary theory of mental types developed by N.A.Rozhkov, a prominent Russian historian, within the framework of his historical and sociological concept. The influence of the ideas of J.S. Mill, K.Marx and F.Engels on Rozhkov's works is shown. At the same time, the innovative nature of his methodology is emphasized, which has proven effective in analyzing the biographies of famous historical figures and characters in fiction. The author substantiates Rozhkov's significant contribution to the study of the historical process based on an interdisciplinary approach, taking into account the dialectical interaction of all factors of social development.

This article examines the First All-Russian Congress on Public and Private Charity held in 1910 as a key event in the formation of the public sphere of social policy in late imperial Russia. Special attention is paid to the institutionalization of expert knowledge in the field of social assistance, the emergence of a professional community, and the shaping of shared approaches to charity. The congress is analyzed as a venue for discussing the forms and limits of social responsibility, and for negotiating the distribution of obligations among the state, civil society, the Church, and local self-government. The article concludes that the congress functioned not only as a form of professional self-organization but also articulated a growing demand for public participation in shaping the principles and forms of social policy.

The article examines M.M.Kovalevsky's position on the issue of women's equality based on an analysis of his scientific works, journalism and political activity. It is shown that the characterization of the scientist as an anti-feminist has no basis, and his views, which do not fit into the Procrustean bed of political trends, reflect the specifics of Russian liberalism of the early twentieth century as an original phenomenon.

The conducted research allows us to conclude that the widespread use of extortion in the structures of power in the 80–90s of the 16th century was caused by the following reasons. 1. The struggle for power between the heirs of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, frequent changes in the composition of the government, exile of opponents, impunity of supporters and, ultimately, the weakening of control of the supreme power over the activities of the administration. 2. The active rapprochement of the Moscow state with the countries of Western Europe, which caused serious changes in the daily life of the ruling class, its craving for comfort and luxury. 3. A decrease in the moral level of the ruling elite, replenished after the coup of 1689 by participants in the military games and amusements of Peter I. The article also examines various types of official crimes and the government's attitude to them; special attention is paid to the abuses of the Siberian administration.

The article considers the development of domestic commercial education after the adoption of the "Regulations on Commercial Educational Institutions" proposed by the Minister of Finance S.Y. Witte in 1896. The analysis of the implementation of the proposals and recommendations contained in the "Regulations" is carried out through consideration of the process of organizing the Educational Committee, its composition, the subject of activity and its specific work. The characteristics of the Committee members are given, their high professional qualifications are noted, which ensured objective control over the quality of education in newly created commercial educational institutions of various levels.

Cultural policy, which "transmitted" ideology to the masses, was one of the mechanisms for fostering a communist attitude to work. In this process, the active involvement of the workers themselves in literary work seems to be an important stage. An analysis of the draft program of the CPSU(b) (1947) reveals that the strategy of building a communist society was associated by the party leaders with a breakthrough to the forefront of innovative technologies. The reaction of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) to K. M. Simonov's report at the XIII Plenum of the Board of the Union of Soviet Writers demonstrates the correlation of cultural policy with the modernization strategy.

The article examines the campaign to clean up the state apparatus at the end of 1929 in one of the main institutions managing the economy of the NEP – the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the USSR. The research reveals a connection between specific measures to purify the state apparatus and the targeted goals that reflect a revival of the utopian model for constructing an ideal society, in which there should be no apparatus at all – instead, a conscious socialist individual will act in place of any coercive organ. The overarching intention of this utopian consciousness is identified, which envisions violence as a means of transforming society on communist foundations.

Ключевые

The author, a former young lecturer at the Department of General History of the Crimean Pedagogical Institute, shares his experience of professional development and his vision of life at the Faculty of History and Philology. The author widely uses the memoirs of history students of that time. Of the featured stories, we will highlight three. The first is students doing agricultural work. The second is public and group sentiments among students during the Brezhnev era and the fight of state security agencies against dissent. The third is the decision of the board of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR on the subject matter and content of the original plan of the author’s doctoral dissertation («Menshevik Historiography in Russia»).