While analyzing the Shusha declaration between Azerbaijan and Turkey the author centers around the key spheres of cooperation, which are specified in the document. He draws a parallel between the bilateral dialogue of the states and the cooperation within the Turkic Council. The author concludes that for Azerbaijan and Turkey the Shusha declaration is a significant step towards each other. It is also suggested that the declaration may become a basis for the further cooperation of all Turkic states. The article reviews possible consequences and risks for Russia in the light of growing assertiveness of Turkish foreign policy.

The article examines the participation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Soviet ideological campaigns in 1945-1953. The differences between the church’s approach towards the ideological campaigns in domestic and foreign policy are being identified. It is made a conclusion that in domestic dimension the Russian Orthodox Church participates in mobilization campaigns, while in foreign dimension it was involved both in mobilization and repressive campaigns. The author analyzes the distinctions between the Orthodox and the Soviet lines in such issues, as the construction of communism, the concept of the Soviet patriotism, Stalin’s cult of personality, the antagonization of West and the struggle against colonialism.

The article examines the papers of the Orthodox periodicals devoted to the Suez crisis. The Russian Orthodox Church adhered to the Soviet position, but its line was not identical to the state course. As a result of comparing the state and church approaches towards the Suez crisis, the differences between them are being identified. It is made a conclusion that in 1956–1957 the Russian Orthodox Church sought to maintain dialogue with both the Patriarchates of Alexandria and Jerusalem, and also neglected the US contribution to the settlement of the conflict.

The article examines the evolution of the Russian army in March – August 1917. The relations between the Russian officers and soldiers after the adoption of the Petrograd Soviet Order №1 and formation of the elected Army Committees are being analyzed. The perception of the military issue and officers as a social category by contemporaries is being characterized. It is made a conclusion that it was the identity dimension which the antagonism between commanders and soldiers was pivoted in. The inability to unite officers is treated as one of the main factors in the lack of a unified agenda for the command staff and its further radicalization, which resulted in the Kornilov affair. It is emphasized that against the background of the politicization of the military issue the desire of officers to depoliticize the agenda, adhering to course of non-predetermining, did not contribute to strengthening its positions.

In august, 2020 it was held the Belarus presidential election, which resulted in the aggravation of relations between Minsk and Brussels. The article reviews the international consequences of the election in Belarus, as well as its impact on the bilateral Russia-Belarus relations. The role of mass media in the hybrid conflict between Belarus and the West are specified. The author touches upon the sanctions with noting that imposing restric tions against Minsk has accelerated the Union State building. It is drawn a conclusion that A.Lukashenko’s room for political manoeuvre has diminished, that is why Moscow is able to realize its strategic plans.

The article reviews the European Union members’ positions on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution in 2020-2021. The EU’s commitment to the dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan under the mediation of the OSCE Minsk Group is considered as a cornerstone of the European policy in the region. The factors foreclosing an opportunity to develop a common European approach towards the conflict are analyzed. It is concluded that the consensus can not be achieved due to the fact that pro-Armenian and pro-Azerbaijani lobby groups resort to such leverages as diaspora activities or drawing attention to the bilateral dialogue with one of the Caucasian republics. The significance of the Turkish factor for the Nagorno-Karabakh problem is emphasized. Despite the fact that today the EU treats the question as marginal, the author notes that the European involvement in the post-conflict regulation on the South Caucasus may be viewed as an opportunity to maintain the EU’s political influence in the region.

The declined interest of the Soviet leadership in the church’s activities in the late 1940s led to the fact that the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) was compelled to demonstrate its own significance. The struggle for peace, in which the church took the international peace movement’s position, became one of the most important directions of the ROC activities. The article reviews the key aspects of the church’s participation in the struggle for peace on the basis of papers of the Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate. The general distinctive features of the church’s rhetoric are being identified. It is made a conclusion about the transformation of the church’s approach toward the coverage of the international developments and the convergence of the church and state lines.

The article reviews the evolution of the Russian Orthodox Church’s rhetoric in the early postwar Soviet Union on the basis of papers of the Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate. The main directions of the Russian Orthodox Church’s indoctrination are being analyzed. The article specifies the role of the church in the postwar glorification of J. Stalin in the framework of the cult of his personality. The author concludes that the Russian Orthodox Church generally followed J. Stalin’s line but shifted emphasis while dealing with some particular issues.