Understanding of the USSR collapse reasons is one of the most important factors that prevent disintegration of Russia. The comprehension of the fact that collapse of the USSR was disastrous is growing in the Russian society. However answers provided to the question why USSR collapsed are still naive. The article is devoted not only to the current social and political situation and prospects of the Russian Federation but to the future of the analytics which nowadays can be considered as the analytics of elite games, as a new way of reflection which allows reconstruct multidimensional models of the past, the present and the future. The main subject matter of the article is the history of relations within the Soviet and the international elite of the 1930s-1970s. History of elites and clans requires not just a scientific approach which presupposes relations of agents and subjects but requires interpretation, a peculiar hermeneutics.

The author considers consequences and prospects of reforms commenced in the Russian education in the 2000s and 2010s. The author focuses his attention on conception of “effective contract” an instructor strikes with an educational institution administration, on bibliometrical indices as the criterion of an instructor’s scientific activity efficiency, on introduction of final composition in senior classes and on instrumentation materials of the Unified state exam in Russian and, first of all, on massive simplification of tasks, and on reduction of minimum points required for admission to a higher education institutions. The author notes crudity of reforms undertaken and planned, a significant intensification of bureaucratization and unfounded upsurge of reporting. Finally the author proposes a number of measures that can stop the pernicious trend.

The first in the series this article deals with Peter the Great`s diplomacy at the final stage of Russo-Turkish War of 1686–1700. The peace negotiations were to be conducted at Karlowitz between the Holy League (Austria, Venetia, Poland, Russia) and the Sublime Porte to try to reach an uneasy compromise. As the author argues in the opening part of his text, the conflicting interests of the allies seemed obvious enough to make the chances for success slim.

The author considers issues connected with exposure of the «perestroika» design in the USSR in 1985–1991 as the design is reflected in sources and historiography. Importance of these issues for study of the current history of Russia is demonstrated. Principal approaches to the problem under investigation are designated and arguments of respective approaches followers are presented. The author comes to the conclusion that poignancy of discussion does not abate while approaches of scientists and participants of perestroika events remain to be extremely contradictive. The main nerve of discussion is connected with the issue whether there was a conception of perestroika or not and what was the content and intention of the conception. In the latter case researchers are in disagreement on the point whether the conception was aimed at the destruction of the Soviet formation or such destruction was a result of objective processes. Suggestions on methodology of the problem investigation including methods of historical sources critique are made in the article.

Since the 19th century there is a common belief in the historiography that the period of Catherine II’s reign was the time when the policy of forest protection (started by Peter the Great`s as the wood was an important recourse for long-term development of navy and industry) was stopped. Indeed Catherine II supposed it necessary to develop private initiative, and state monopolies unpromising for economical development. However the materials taken under consideration in this article show that this judgment is lop-sided and not quite correct. At the time of refuse of repressive methods, Catherine II paid much attention to the problems of forestry – organization of preservation, descriptions, studies, creation of new regulation. Chopping wood really increased during her reign. But the reason for it was due to not only the changes in legislation and connivance as the growth of population and practice of interpretation.

Contrarily to traditional analysis of the politics main components (property interests, lawful, institutional and social principles of power) the publication turns towards a new political history in studying mechanism or everyday life of power (methods, efficiency of function, image). Personality, subjectivity are the most characteristic features of revolution. How one comes to revolutionary? Is it possible to speak about number of persons, little active in ordinal but essentially important in critical moment? Or there are some circumstances able to provoke crucial deviation in one’s mind and action? Quantity of unpublished documents from archives helps us to understand the whole chain of problems: cultural origins of the revolution; making up a «new human being»; law and violence in revolutionary administration; discourse of the revolution.

The author considers biography of A.K.Voronski, one of the principal figures of the literary process in the 1920s. In 1922 the Bolshevist Party entrusted him not only with censorship but also with guidance of writers whom L.D.Trotsky called “fellow-travellers”. Particularity of the situation consisted in the fact that in the mid-1920s the party admitted the proletarian culture’s inadequacy. The proletarian culture required cooperation with the old prerevolutionary culture in order to acquire the experience accumulated by the old culture. Voronski helped “fellow-travellers” to survive and at the same time tried to instruct representatives of the young proletarian culture in literary mastery skills. This activity caused bitter criticism of the Proletkult representatives who saw in Voronski’s activity the enginery of the class enemy. Co-existence of various literary groupings was possible because the idea of class war within the country still did not gained ascendancy in the party.

The article deals with topical issues of global confrontation in the modern world, contemporary Russian foreign policy and its context. The author concentrates on the problems of the Middle East settlement and the role of Russia in this process. At the same time, the article provides the analysis, which helps to understand what is the political choice of the US leadership and how it threatens Russia. In the first place, it is clear that the US is not going to quit the Middle East and will maintain its presence there. The strategy of undermining the national states of the Arab world, and the creation of conditions that will not allow these nation states take shape, also remains the same. US is interested in containment of Russia in the Middle East and throughout the world. The author draws this conclusion on the basis of the analysis of the discourse of the US politicians and political commentators. The findings are of direct relevance to the safety of modern Russia and its place in the international arena. The purpose of containment is not to allow Russia to consolidate its efforts in establishing peace and stability in the post-Soviet region.

The article gives a brief general description of the CPSU Twentieth Congress, with the main emphasis on the N.S. Khrushchev’s "secret" report concerning Stalin’s “personality cult” and its consequences, on importance of the Congress decisions for the country and the world at large and their impact on the state and development of the world communist movement. It is shown how the problem was presented in the Russian historiography during the last quarter of a century. The perception of the CPSU Twentieth Congress decisions by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which was then at the helm of the country and society, is explored. The article traces evolution of the views of the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1956, on how to implement the decisions of the CPSU Twentieth Congress on the cult of Stalin's personality, so as not to shake the foundations of the existing socialist system in Czechoslovakia based on the Soviet model. The article pinpoints internal and external factors that by the end of 1956 brought the Czechoslovak authorities back to the help of "strong hand" policy.

In the second part of the article the author comes to extensively consider the intricate diplomatic play staged at the Karlowitz congress scene. Hobbled by the absence of the tsar`s update instructions Procopius Voznitsin had to improvise at his own risk. But due to long experience and acute intuition Russian delegate contrived to avoid the traps set by his European counterparts.

The lifting the Soviet Communist Party of the monopoly of power started the nationalistic desintegration movements in some of the union republics. Because the economic and financial crisis did reduce the influence of the central government President Gorbachev did try to receive a massive financial aid from developed western powers (G-7) to subsidize market oriented reforms. After the failure of this plan , the conspiratorial attempt was made to replace the USSR with the loose voluntary union of the sovereign states by the signing the new treaty which would replace the current Constitution. Ukraine, Belarus and few other republics did not plan to sign a new treaty. The objection to this plan by the government of the USSR, the speaker of the Supreme Soviet and the Chairman of the State bank led to their confrontation with Gorbachev and Yeltsyn.

The ideological views of the National union of the new generation, the Russian emigrant organization in the 1930’s, are analysed in this article. The concept “solidarism”, which had been the basis of the program, is articulated in this article. Its historical ideological sources are shown in this work. The Union was formed in 1930 in Yugoslavia, advocated the overthrow of the Bolshevik government and had offices in many countries.

The political culture of the French revolution appropriated the ideas of Enlightenment. Owing to the evolution of natural and exact sciences the enforced confidence in an infinite capacity of human reason (rationalism) made possible not only activity in acquaintance and direction for social life but even the creation of an ideal state («kingdom of Reason»). The moral order replaced the religion as a main element of spiritual unity in a new society. The “virtue” represented in this way the principal category of social and political life; it was adopted by revolutionaries for their theory and practice.

In the final part of the article A.K.Voronskii’s political persecution is discussed, as well as investigative cases, that reveal harassment mechanism employed during the Stalinist era. The published archival excerpt from investigation file opened in 1937, contains a detailed description by Voronsky of the party and literary figures whom the authorities considered part of the Trotskyist opposition. Despite the origins of the document, its data does not contradict our information from alternative sources. Just the assessments are radically different. What was the legal factional activity in the second half of the 1920s, in 1937 already was treated as a grave crime against the Bolshevik Party. The new document, which is introduced into scientific circulation, will help researchers understand the intricacies of political and literary nature relating to the “Pereval” journal, where Voronsky was one of the founders.

The article is devoted to the new geopolitical reality which to the full extent defines now the situation all over the post-Soviet expanse. The author considers the new role Turkey and other neighbors of Russia in the configuration that presents the latest threat and can change traditional roles these states perform in the East. The author addresses also the painful and hot theme of relations between Turkey and Armenia and between Turkey and Azerbaijan and appraises the challenges tossed to Russia in the present-day diplomatic and military-political context.

A decade and a half ago author has already addressed problems of the Imperial Russia’s first State Duma historical fate. The social acuteness of these problems under conditions of that time directly correlated with processes of elaboration of the land reform in the Russian Federation principles that stirred the society as a whole, with adoption of the RF Land code (2001) and of the Law “On agricultural lands turnover” (2002). The time which elapsed since the early 2000s did not lower the researchers’ interest and social-practical interest to the profound investigation of the first in the Russian history representative institution emergence. The Duma had legislative functions and boldly claimed its rights to the primacy and independence of the monarch’s willfulness and of the dictate of the executive power subdued to the monarch. Why did the first try fail? Why that attempt did not inaugurate the beginning of the serious dialogue between the power and the society on a wide range of issues including the most urgent problem, the land problem? The land problem is still urgent. Moreover, it is still hot, burning issue. For the time is incapable to annul the indisputable, absolute justice of the thesis set forward by P.A.Stolypin: “The land is the precondition and guarantee of our future power, the land is Russia”.

The article explores Swedish king Oscar II’s political views and their influence on Swedish policy. The author concludes that for a variety of reasons the king’s views had significant pro-German nature. In fact, exactly he turned out to be a proxy for German influence in Sweden at the turn of the 19th century. However, inside the country the king planted successfully German political, economical and cultural patterns, and in foreign policy he strived for rapprochement with Germany which might even include a military alliance. Therethrough Oscar II has laid the groundwork for an important line in Sweden’s political development existed up to the end of the First World War.

The third part of the article focuses on the content of Russo-Turkish negotiations at Karlowitz officially started on November 9th 1698. They constantly stumbled at the Porte`s intransigence fueled by the double-standard position of the Austrian, English and Dutch delegates. The discussions centered around the interpretation of the uti possidetis as a basic principle of the Karlowitz congress. While scrutinizing the arguments of each actor the author blames the Turks and their Western supporters for the lack of progress in peace talks.

The State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP) was not created by “hard-liners” as an attempt of the “coup d’etat”. to take power. It actually tried to save the USSR and its Constitution and to prevent its dessolution and replacement by the new Union of Sovereign States. The defeat of the GKChP, which consisted by the main members of the USSR government and headed by the vice-president, resulted by the transfer of power to Boris Yeltsyn and the government of the Russian Federation which was unable to control the main branches of the economy, foreign trade and the financial system. Because Michail Gorbachev restored as the USSR President was unable to rule by decree or create the new government, the power was transferred by the Supreme Soviets to “The State Council”, which consisted of leaders of ten Union Republics with Gorbachev as its chairman. In September of 1991 The State Council proclaimed the independence of the Baltic states, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.

As a hostage of his own selfishness the individual is not acceptable in the ideal state. His only possibility is a self-regeneration in refusing his personal interests and liberty in favor of common wealth. As a representative of pure Virtue he is owned by Revolution. Out of private emotions, evaluations and profit he escapes vengeance and gets an omnipotence in defiance for somebody else’s ends. During the revolution hero’s archetype (as an originator of a new life, a victor of enemies and obstacles) creates in political culture a kind of «civil religion» abounding in «cathedrals» (Panthéon), iconography and cults (public holidays and ceremony).

The article presents “the portrait against the background of the epoch”: A.S.Posnikov was a major authority in economics, publicist, organizer of higher education and pedagogue, public figure and politician, one of the leaders of the centrist (between the Constitutional Democrats and the Octobrists) current in the Russian Liberalism of the early 20th century. The particular attention is paid to contribution of Posnikov and his followers to elaboration of the “new Liberalism” ideas, of the “mixed economy” model for Russia, of innovative approach to problems of party building. For the first time Posnikov’s activities during his tenure as the Main Land Committee chairman under the Provisional government are characterized on the basis of archive sources and publicist writings and additional information on Posnikov’s life after the October revolution is adduced.

The documentary essay explores the less-known circumstances surrounding the famous Fulton speech by W.Churchill. It is based on the British archival sources, first of all – reports from the British Embassy in Washington on Churchill’s visit to the United States and on American public reaction to the Fulton speech. It demonstrates that the initial response was very mixed which pushed Churchill to change emphasis in his subsequent speeches in the U.S. But ultimately, as concluded by the author, the “iron curtain” speech contributed to the shift of American public to the cold war mode.

The irrefragable answer to questions regarding history of the last third of the 20th century will hardly be possible until all archives will be open. However, it is impossible to wait for that moment passively: in the rapidly changing world exact reference points for building of balanced relations of partners in Europe and all over the world are needed. The negative experience is useful, for people learn from mistakes (at least, theoretically). The human memory is short, selective and unreliable. The notes made in diaries immediately after events are more close to the truth. The evidences that reveal from within the original alignment of forces affecting destiny of people, countries and continents are the most valuable. The diary records related to the eve of the German Democratic Republic’s frontiers opening in November of 1989 are offered in the article.

The fourth part of the article contains the description of the next round of the uncompromising Russo-Turkish talks at Karlowitz. With the immediate prospects still in the haze the opponents tried their utmost to find out the weakest point in each other’s diplomatic defense. Their desperate search for “optimal solution” made the chances for the breakthrough and collapse roughly equal.

After defeat of GKChP the main state owned newspapers were closed by Yeltsin’s decree. “Izvestia”, however, survived, due to privatisation. The Ukrainian Supreme Soviet renamed as Supreme Rada declared referendum on full independency. Similar decrees in other republics of the USSR were destructive for soviet industry, particularly military, atomic and space branches. The ban on the Communist Party of the USSR and CPRF resulted in the formation of many smaller left-oriented parties. One of them was the Socialist Party with R.Medvedev as one of its leaders. All members of GKChP and the speaker of the Supreme Soviet Anatoly Lukyanov were arrested. M.Gorbachev was still the president of the USSR and the main problem remained the payment of huge Soviet state debt. The referendum in the Ukraine which confirmed its independence was the main step of the full desintegration of the Soviet Union.

The first in the series this article, dedicated to Russian historian A.V.Florovsky, describes the attempts of the academic to establish contacts with Soviet colleagues in the postwar years. The interest to the study of the epoch of Peter the Great was his motive. This article describes the communications of A.V.Florovsky with A.I.Andreyev and his research group, which was engaged in the publication of “Letters and papers of the Emperor Peter the Great”. This work shows how politics intervenes in the research plans, as well as the fate of the peoples. In the USSR erupted ideological campaigns. Colleagues of A.V.Florovsky were under fire.

The paper is dedicated to post-soviet subject and its memory. It is based on diaries of Svetlana Volskaya. She was a pro-soviet participant in October 1993 revolt in Moscow. But in late-Soviet period Svetlana was a part of soviet artist life, soft “frondeur”. Moreover, she was pro-Yeltsin protester during the putsch attempt in 1991. In the paper I study her ideological and political evolution using the approach to social memory of Maurice Halbwachs and philosophy of Event of Allain Badiou. My thesis is Svetlana defined herself and her actual political position in 1993–1996 by redefining soviet history and her own soviet memories. I suppose the process of that redefining of the history replaces for post-soviet subject actual political and social reflection.

St.Petersburg demanded a great amount of wood starting from the very first years of its existing. High prizes for firewood became an acute problem for the first habitats of the young city. Reasons for it and ways of solving the problem are under consideration in the article – attempts of state regulation of wood-sale, limitation of export, enlightening publications, suggestions to use special constructions of stoves and alternative fuels. Special attention is paid to the commission of 1783, created to solve the problem of firewood expensiveness in St.Petersburg.

The French revolution represented for enlighteners the most propitious occasion for the making a «kingdom of Reason» a reality. The evolution from fiction to reality, from subjective mood to indicative mood was imagined in most peaceful manner, without destructive rebels and indignation. During the first revolutionary period the legislation was directed to the creation of an ideal state and a citizen (new world and new man). However the permanent danger to social order brought the government to pass the extraordinary law against malevolents in contravention of the Constitution. The violent realization of an earthly paradise derived its strength from the revolutionary psychology but also from the ancient conceptions (the idea of social compact and the practice of “roi de guerre”).

The article is devoted to description of the public sentiments in 1937, in the time of “Great Terror” in the USSR. Testimonies given by A. N. Garry, journalist from the “Izvestia” newspaper, in the course of investigation carried out in 1937 are published, commented and analyzed. Biography of Garry, his contacts and causes due to which he went up for three times are described.

Whether the Cold War between two superpowers and their respective allies was begun more or less as a replay of the closing campaigns of the World War II because of a massive Soviet invasion in the most of Western Europe or its birth we could see even before the advent of atomic weapons so powerfully demonstrated over Hiroshima and Nagasaki? The author demonstrates his understanding of the links between science (particularly nuclear physics), war and politics displayed at the very beginning of the Second World War. Based on recently unknown files in the former Soviet Union and the United States the fascinating history discloses how and why the Cold War between two superpowers gave many signs to be born during their hostilities against the common enemy as a result of a deep conflict of mentalities and the U.S. belief in a secure world if no nation after the WWII (except the USA) possessed nuclear weapons.

The internal crisis in the German Democratic Republic was ripening for a long time, but the situation could not be defined as desperate. The Socialist United Party of Germany leadership and the government of the GDR had at their disposal rather powerful levers that allowed regulating the course of events. At the same time lack of a program of actions in the period upon resignation of Erich Honecker had disastrous consequences. Attempts to develop a new concept in a hurry and then to accommodate it with Moscow led to inadmissible waste of time. External and domestic forces that sought not to reform the GDR but to abolish it took advantage of that waste of time. Uncertainty of the middle-level party management in respect of their actions by the leaders of the Soviet perestroika had the additional destructive impact on the situation in the GDR. The toll for the GDR rang out at the moment when the confusion and lack of coordination in the highest echelons of power led to forced abolition of control over the line of demarcation between the capital of the GDR and West Berlin. It was precisely the moment when the countdown to the end of the GDR began.

The article, based on archival materials, is devoted to the role of military crimes in the criminalization of Russia during the First World War. The paper describes the main types of military crimes during the war, their scale and dynamics, the relationship with civil offenses and the revolutionary actions, analyzes the change of the composition of the Russian army, constantly expanding the former criminals, their role in the progressive criminalization of the army and the society until the October Revolution.

The article describes how the “Iron Curtain” broke the contact of A.V.Florovsky with Soviet colleagues. He was able to resume them only during the Khrushchev’s Thaw. In 1950-ies the historian met by correspondence with A.A.Novoselsky, B.B.Kafengauz and other Soviet scholars. One of the main themes of their communication becomes the preparation of “The Letters and papers of the Emperor Peter the Great”. This article analyzes the historiographic and source study suggestions of A.V.Florovsky regarding this publication.

By the beginning of December 1697 the participants of the Karlowitz congress had seemed exhausted well enough to come up with some semblance of compromise. But instead they faced a series of new problems to be resolved. Owing to Voznitzin's dexterity in the art of capitalizing on the severe disagreements between his opponents the diplomatic struggle reemerged with the renewed vigor. It resulted in a situation that could turn into reality any outcome hitherto unlikely to happen.

At the beginning of December 1991 the Committee of State Security (KGB) was reorganised and Vadim Bakatin was appointed the Chairman of the new security sistem. As “The Act of the Good Will” Bakatin presented the US Ambassador in Moscow secret documentation on the overhearing devices installed into the walls of the new building of the American Embassy. On 7–8 December the leaders of Russian Federation, Ukraine and Belorussia, Yeltsyn, Kravchuk and Shushkevich signed a Declaration on the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the USSR declared his resignation. Consequences of this rapid transformation of the socialist economy into the free market capitalist economy are discussed. Rapid inflation, financial crisis and the decline of the living standards of population forced Boris Yeltsyn to change the rate of reforms. At the end of 1992 Victor Chernomyrdin was appointed as the new prime-minister and Victor Gerashchenko became the Chairman of the Central State Bank.

The Terror is one of the most mysterious and debatable subjects in the history of the French Revolution. For a long time it represented the main research focus for historians whose interpretations, however, were strongly influenced by contemporary ideological battles and political prejudice. The historiography of XIX and XX centuries traditionally offered two opposite hypothesis. On the one hand, the Jacobin dictatorship resulted probably from a whole complex of economic, social, and military difficulties in the country (“theory of circumstances”). On the other hand, the state violence perhaps put a logical end to philosophy of Enlightenment (conception of “historical fatalism”). The black-and-white picture was brightly coloured under a jubilee celebration (1989) by numerous alternative propositions.

After the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki the U.S. – Soviet relations had reached one of their lowest points. The conduct of relationship in the contest of the nuclear weapons competition made most people to accept nuclear weapons as part of the natural order. For them the distant dangers of nuclear war became physical reality. In this climate the idea of thermonuclear weapons born in the USA transformed in military psychology into concept of nuclear deterrence. However the threat of nuclear destruction has caused the world wide movement that resists the temptation to commit mass murder which unconditionally could be called a suicide. The nuclear scientists with rear exception are convinced that the chances of developing an effective shield from the nuclear weapon are extremely remote. That is one of the main useful lessons from Cold War history.

This article, based on the analysis of declassified documents from Russian archives, is devoted to consideration of a dual influence of the beginning of the Vietnamese War on the further development of the Partisans for Peace Movement. On the one hand, it found its expression in strengthening of the splitting activities of the Chinese representatives within this Movement that began in the end of the 1950s. On the other hand, the widespread protest’s movement against US aggression in Vietnam had stimulated the search by the Partisans for Peace Movement more close cooperation with other anti-war movements and organizations of the world peaceful forces, in spite of the existing between them the ideological and political contradictions, which were typical for the Cold War era.

Gustave Flaubert asserted: “Do not touch idols… their gilding will remain on your fingers”. But the principal heroine of this article, the beloved woman of Mayakovsky Lilya Brik did not follow Flaubert’s warning. To save Mayakovsky’s original heritage Lilya Brik in 1935 requested assistance from Stalin, the living Soviet god who at that time announced Mayakovsky “the best and the most talented poet of our Soviet epoch”. However Lilya Brik did not bask in fame of this propaganda myth. As early as from the mid-1950s Lilya Brik became the target of permanent propaganda attacks organized from above: as a lady of cosmopolitan Weltanschauung and sexually liberated in her personal life and, furthermore, a Jewess Brik obviously did not fit the official image of faithful and ideologically consistent girl friend of the proletarian poet. This article narrates how the CPSU officials and specialists in literary studies engaged by the party officials tried to rewrite in retrospect the love history of Vladimir Mayakovsky and Lilya Brik making her the femme fatale guilty of the poet’s death.

In the final article in this series the development of scientific contacts of A.V.Florovsky with Soviet historians in the late 1950s – 1960s was described. Particular attention was paid to his communication with E.P.Podyapolskaya, who took over the editing of “The Letters and papers of the Emperor Peter the Great”. The visit of A.V.Florovsky in the USSR in 1967 was characterized. The article presents the arguments according to which closure of Soviet science was one of the reasons that hindered the study of Peter the Great’s theme. In conclusion, the specificity of scientific contacts of A.V.Florovsky conceptualized.

In the conclusive part of the article the author concentrates on the dramatic events which happened during the last ten days of the Karlowitz congress (from the 6-th to 16-th of January 1699). Strange as it may seem this short span of time was charged by tremendous tensions fraught with the failure of the Congress. Quite unexpectedly help came from Procopius Voznitsin who, pressured by the circumstances, chose to give up the role of troublemaker for that of troubleshooter.

In 1993 I met in Moscow Leonid Shebarshin former chief of the Soviet Foreign Intelligence Services. After retirement he did create private security organisation which did employ former professionals of the state security system – KGB, who now were protecting new private enterprises. The simplified “vaucher” form of the rapid privatisation, which started in Russia from the beginning of 1993, created many new economic and political problems. The development of the conflict between the president and the parliament lead to the unconstitutional dissolvent of the parliament by Boris Yeltsyn and the decision of the parliament to dismiss the president.

The language, according to Jacobin leaders, was a political instrument, speaking and moving the revolution. The controversy normative language / jargon was represented as controversy of moral and spiritual values: patriots / emigrants, progress / darkness. The French language personified Republic, Enlightenment, Liberty, patriotism, positive knowledge, providing with gentle and harmonious sounding, lucidity and methodicalness, reason. On the contrary, the dialects were perceived as a symbol of feudalism, barbarity, slavery, superstition and fanaticism, translating harsh and indecent idioms, jargon and vulgarity, sensibility.