The article examines the key stages of developments in Egypt after the revolution of 2011 and after the military coup of 2013. It analyses the steps taken by M. Morsi's government, which led to a new wave of destabilisation in the country and the subsequent military coupled by A. F. al-Sisi. The authors examine US approaches to Cairo against the backdrop of the revolutionary events in the country, taking into account Egypt's geopolitical and strategic importance in the Middle East and B. Obama's officially declared commitment to democratic values.

The article is devoted to the problem of interaction of national movements of previously repressed peoples (Soviet Germans, Crimean Tatars, Meskhe-tian Turks) and the Soviet state in the second half of the 1960s – early 1980s. Particular attention is paid to the position of the republican ruling eth-nic elites (Kazakh, Ukrainian, Georgian) on the implementation of the requirements of national movements. It was their position that had a serious impact on the attitude of the Brezhnev leadership to the issue, did not allow satisfying the demands of the movements and carrying out a full-scale rehabilitation of these peoples.

The declined interest of the Soviet leadership in the church’s activities in the late 1940s led to the fact that the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) was compelled to demonstrate its own significance. The struggle for peace, in which the church took the international peace movement’s position, became one of the most important directions of the ROC activities. The article reviews the key aspects of the church’s participation in the struggle for peace on the basis of papers of the Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate. The general distinctive features of the church’s rhetoric are being identified. It is made a conclusion about the transformation of the church’s approach toward the coverage of the international developments and the convergence of the church and state lines.

The article continues the analysis of the transformation of the left flank of the Russian party system in the spring of 1918. After the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, the government bloc of Bolsheviks and left SRS took shape and the division among the Social Democrats deepened even more. The Bolsheviks increasingly opposed themselves to them, adopting the name of Communists. Their alliance with the left srs proved to be short-lived. The RCP(b) formed a one-party government.

The published excerpt from the diaries of N. D. Androsova, which cover the year 1919–1932, describes the internal experiences and external difficulties that a representative of the former intelligentsia, a young lady who survived requisition, seals, diseases, hunger and lack of money, had to face. The selected passage – the very beginning of the diaries-illustrates the deteriorating life in the capital in 1919. The author writes about prices, news, rumors that will be of interest to cultural scientists, historians of everyday life and specialists in gender studies.

This article examines one of Stalin's most important ideological campaigns, which allowed him to gain full power in the Bolshevik Party and to build a cult of personality in the country. In this struggle could not do without propaganda. The magazine “Crocodile” actively participated in the restructuring of Soviet society, accustomed to live under the conditions of the NEP, for the transition to a new state – a state of civil war in the construction of socialism in one country. “Opportunism” as a purely partisan concept expands to define the situation in a different way: anyone who resists the building of socialism, even passively, – by his human shortcomings – is an opportunist, any citizen and nonparty including. This semantic expansion of the notion of “opportunism” created the conditions for the formation of the terrorist power, it was the “ground” for the soon to come Big Terror.

Max Ringelmann at the beginning of the 20th century argued that threduction in productivity per individual rise when the number of people involved in a workgroup increase. However, in the last decade, accelerated technological development has had a strong impact on labor relations. The old relationship between employer and employees is outdated. Individual agreements are replaced by collective agreements. Based on the analysis of some indicators of the development of labor relations (the rate of labor productivity, collective bargaining coverage), it turns out how the “Ringelmann” effect is effective in a digital society.