There is some common element in metamorphoses and destinies of the major states' national ideas in the 19th century. The German national idea as a concept of the national unification by the state emerged in 1813−1814, the years of liberation wars against Napoleon. Though this idea was developing in parallel with development of liberalism and the national unity was comprehended as the sine qua non of freedom, the epoch of occupation of the German lands by Napoleon imposed its impress on the idea: the «image of enemy» was implied in it from the very beginning. As the time passed the idea acquired the form of the imperial chauvinism. Distorted to the unrecognizable condition in the years of Hitler’s dictatorship the German national idea became an integral part of ideology that was aimed at the world domination and mass destruction. In the 19th Russia and Russians already did not confront the problem of struggle for independence and national unity. However the quest for the Russian national identity comprised an important part of ideological searches in the course of the whole 19th century. However if in the first half of the 19th century the Slavophiles and the Westerners focused their discussions predominantly on the distinctive nature and originality of the Russian culture the understanding of the national identity changed considerably by the end of the century. Nationalistic ideas acquired peculiar development, and Valdimir Solov’ev, the religious philosopher and poet, stepped forward with criticism of these ideas. Solov’ev argued that the genuine distinctive nature of Russia could not be attained by way of estrangement and isolation from the West. Solov’ev insisted on the necessity of permeation with principles of all-human Christian culture and a critical attitude to one’s own social reality. Only then it would be possible to take an active and independent part in the universal run of history.

The author presents the political portrait of Otto von Bismark, one of the most influential and famous European statesmen of the 19th century. She makes an attempt to look at Bismark through the prism of his youth when the basic professional qualities as a politician and diplomat and his character were taking their peculiar shape. The author refutes, step by step, some stable stereotypes including myths produced by the Soviet historical science, unravels intricacy and contradictory nature of Bismark's personality and policies. As the author points out, as the unification of Germany was completed Bismark set forth, as the target of his foreign policy, preservation of the peace in Europe, not initiation of the war. However Bismark succeeded in prevention of the all-European war at the expense of growth of militarism and enhancement of animosity among the European states. That finally brought about the World War I. Bismark led the empire successfully but when he departed from the scene he left the nation deprived of the political education and the political will. Having achieved the unification of Germany Bismark made a genuine historical breakthrough but later he had to leave the political scene because of his futile attempts to construct obstacles on the way of the powerful tide of novelties.