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RUSSIA XXI
The author considers the carrier of N.A.Bulganin who ascended from a security guard at a provincial manufacturing plant to the position of the chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. The author also considers the wreckage of this brilliant carrier which happened after the attempt to demise Khruschev when Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich, members of the so called "anti-Party group", succeeded in winning Bulganin over. The author points out that Bulganin was one of the most educated members of the government of those times (anyway he graduated from the "real" public school) but did not plume himself on his superiority, was loyal to comrades and was not avid for leading positions.
Large-scale changes in a state and a society always put the problem of relationship between the secular and spiritual authorities. That is why the confrontation between Patriarch Nikon and Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich was not an accident. "Case of Nikon" was a way to resolve the problem of the two authorities' co-existence in the period of the absolute monarchy making. That way was a very painful one but it to a great extent predetermined "no conflict" scenarios of subsequent confrontations between the secular and Church authorities.

Peter I, Catherine II and the Shaping of Foundations of Russian Foreign Policy

The article focuses on the formation of basic trends in Russian foreign policy under Peter I and Catherine II. In the author’s view, the spectacular rise of Russia from a negligible international entity at the end of the 17th century to a great power status by the close of the 18th century was due not as much to objective factors as to personal qualities of Russian rulers. Only those who proved capable of conceptual thinking and of imposing their will on others managed both to secure the country’s vital interests through territorial gains and to obtain a prestigious role of Europe’s balance-holder.

The eighth Soviet Prime-minister Kosyghin

The author records the principal events of A.N.Kosyghin’s life. Particular attention is given to reforms of the economic mechanism started in 1965 under Kosyghin’s leadership. These reforms included improvement of the defense industries’ management, management of industries and construction management, planning of the national economy and methods of economic activities. The author describes difficulties A. Kosyghin had to overcome in order to introduce the minimum market shifts and self-management into the Socialist environment.

The eighth Soviet Prime-minister Kosyghin (the end)

In part II of his article the author dwells at length on consideration of the events which brought about deceleration of the economic reform in the USSR and then to its curtailment and its ultimate suspension. The author also considers the Prime-Minister’s international activities and demonstrates how Kosyghin was gradually driven aside despite his several major achievements. The author notes that Kosyghin’s political and physical demise coincided with the moment when it became clear the Soviet military-mobilization system could not be modernized. The real international rapprochement was over, a new round of the cold war began which the USSR would lose.
The article deals with one of the most tragic events of Nicolas II reign. Khodynka disaster became a menacing warning, but the power did not derive any benefit from the event. The coronation celebrations of 1896 lost any sense. Instead of spiritual unification of the power and the people a monstrous massive self-destruction occurred. One could say that it was a fatal concurrence of circumstances, but it has developed in a prophesy, in a kind of a regularity of history.

A «Frolic» against Whims of the Ugly Despotizm

After the manifesto on the gentry’s liberties was issued in 1762 the Russian society was vigorously developing notions of «freedom» and «liberty». The official state ideology offered a quite limited understanding of these notions as the «negative freedom», i.e., «freedom from…», emancipation from responsibilities to the society and the authorities. The notion of liberty as the unbridled debauch, absolute license and behavior offensive to the dominant public morals and manners gained popularity among the metropolitan gentry, officials and officers. After accession of Paul I (who reigned from 1796 to 1801) reforms aimed at restriction of the gentry’s liberties understood as the «freedom of morals» were launched in the Russian empire. Paul made an attempt to carry out «preventive counterrevolution» of a sort. Paul assumed that the gentry’s liberties uncontrolled by the state would inevitably bring about revolutionary convulsions. Thus he was going to destroy the system of privileges which emerged under Catherine II and which he considered to be the principal source of the «liberal threat». The gentry reacted to Paul’s innovations with protest which found manifestations in semiotic forms and later with the overt rebellion which came to the end with assassination of the emperor and repudiation of his policies.
The author deals with the phenomenon of the 19th century Russian raznochinetz intelligentsia, i. e., intellectuals who did not belong to the gentry. The author examines the very term «intelligentsia», analyses the emergence of this peculiar social and spiritual community and emphasizes the stubborn unwillingness to accept the realities of the Russian life as the peculiar and rigid propensity of the intelligentsia. According to the author, permanent «apostasy», alienation of the intelligentsia from the Russian reality was the principal cause for its confrontation with the authorities. The author focuses on the most vivid manifestation of this confrontation in the 19th century: the revolutionary narodniks' uncompromising struggle which led to assassination of Alexander II. The author considers a possible alternative (so called «small deeds») and concludes that peaceful positive activities were incompatible with mentality of the intelligentsia which was doomed to «the eternal fight».

Kept in Secret from Berlin and London

Contacts of the Soviet and Czechoslovakian intelligence services in 1940−41 constitute an absolutely unknown to the Russian readers chapter of the Soviet intelligence services and the Soviet-Czechoslovakian relations history. The cooperation of thew Soviet and Czechoslovakian intelligence services began to develop quite successfully after Czechoslovakian recognized the USSR de-jure in 1935. This cooperation was interrupted after occupation of the Czech lands by Nazi Germany in March, 1939, and conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact in August, 1939. However, restoration of this cooperation began since summer of 1940. Secret negotiations were held in Prague, London, Bucharest, Istanbul and then in Moscow. The negotiations were held when no official Soviet-Czechoslovakian relations existed and were kept in secret from London and Berlin. The negotiations' significance lies in the fact that they, undoubtedly, helped to restore and mend the Soviet-Czechoslovakian cooperation after beginning of Nazi Germany aggression against the USSR and paved the way for Czechoslovakian-Soviet agreement signing on July 18, 1941, and for formation of the Czechoslovakian military unit on the territory of the USSR.

Industrial Plants' Committees and Trade Unions in the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Conflict’s Nature

On the verge of the 19th and 20th centuries a modernization project was in progress in Russia. This project was aimed at Russia’s approximation to the Western industrial nations. Thus the project caused the rapid development of the most modern industries. The trade unions, workers' organizations modeled along the lines of similar organizations that existed in the West were in making. However, since forms of industrialism different from the European forms continued to develop the industrial plants' committees (workers' organizations based upon the peculiar domestic traditions) began to appear. Tension between modernist and traditionalist trends in the revolutionary movement found their manifestation in the rivalry between trade unions and industrial plants' committees. The struggle among the political parties also added fuel to the rivalry: originally trade unions followed the moderate Socialists while the industrial plants' committees underwent Bolshevization. Finally the trade unions' bureaucracy imposed itself on the industrial plants' committees and that meant the workers' self-government system was subjugated by the State and integrated within it.
The author deals with one of the most intriguing episodes in the «Holy troop» activities: the attempt P.P.Shuvalov, a leader of this organization which was created as the elite’s response to the murder of Tsar Alexander II in 1881, to subject a part of the Russian emigration to his influence by virtue of false, fake newsapapers, liberal «Vol'noie slovo» and ultra-revolutionary «Pravda». The author analyzes the complicated relationshps of Shuvalov and his agents with their «clients» abroad, in particular, with M.P.Dragomanov, and tells the story of the conflict between Shuvalov and his opponents in the highest circles, particularly with G.P.Sudeikin, the «genius of criminal investigation», who succeeded in taking personal advantage of Shuvalov’s enterprise.
The Ukrainian question was of great importance for the multi-ethnic Russian empire for, besides the threat of considerable deterioration of Russia' geopolitical situation in case of Ukraine’s secession, it undermined the ideological pillars of the «trialistic Russian nation», i.e., it was a factor which prompted the crisis of the Russian self-identification in the beginning of the 20th century. The authors note the inertness and amorphism that were specific characteristics of the Group of Ukrainian members of the 1st and the 2nd State Dumas. Members of the group normally were members of other factions, i.e., factions of Social Democrats, Labor, Constitutional Democrats and even the Union of October, 17. In the 3rd and the 4th State Dumas Ukrainophils did not establish a group of their own but tried to act through factions of the Labourists and the Constitutional Democrats. The Ukrainian question came to the fore and acquired the extreme acuteness in the 4th State Duma, especially during the World War I. Being unaware that their tactics potentially led to the fundamentals of the Russian statehood undermining the Constitutional Democrats and the Socialists used it as a minor card in their struggle against the government.

Street Hooligans in 18th Century Russia

Street hooligans is a phenomenon well known to lodgers both of large cities and small towns around the world nowadays and ages ago. But while now the police mostly punishes the hooligans by itself outside the courtroom, it was different in the mediaeval and early modern time when their cases were usually put on a trial and not the deeds of the hooligans but violation of honour was looked into. Using examples from the life of the town Bejetsk in 1760-s the article aims at showing that opposite to widely spread perceptions, an individual was defended in an archaic type of community organization even better than in modern society by the very fact of his inclusiveness in the community. The community considered violation of honour of one of its members to be an insult to the whole community. There also existed certain limits in which one’s behaviour could deviate. The violation of these limits was taken as a threat to community’s stability by destroying its collective reputation.

Etiology of Sin: the Popular Morals in the Folklore Legends

The article has been initiated by materials presented for discussion at the scientific conference «Concept of sin in the Slavic and Jewish cultural tradition» (the conference was held at the Institute of Slavic studies, the Russian Academy of science, in November, 1999). Being one of the main concepts that were actively comprehended and interpreted within the framework of century-old Judeo-Christian intercultural dialog «sin», as investigators of the both traditions demonstrate, represents a multitude of its aspects: as a violation of taboo system, as a concealment of the truth, as «natural» or «ethnic» quality and as some material substance which might be calculated, measured, estimated and even sold. The Slavic material (the folklore legends and beliefs, system of taboos and prescriptions, rites and rituals) shows, the popular morality as well as the popular religion expands and at the same time makes the Christian concept of sin more specific, i.e., materializes the concept. The author analyses traditional society’s attitude to the original sin and incest, to concepts of «sin» and «soul», to the problem of atonement of the sin or to the issue of the sin allowed from the above. A separate layer of the Slavic folklore is composed by legends about «sinful» animals, plants and whole nations, about sin (violation of prohibitions related to the traditional rites and the subsequent punishment).

1942. The Red Army: from Defeats to Victories

The author considers events of 1942 in a new light. He believes that the Russian politicians and military commanders who had overestimated the failure of Hitler’s blitzkrieg near Moscow and the USA entry to the war experienced a fit of euphoria and assumed that the Germans could be defeated as soon as in 1942. Sobering came only after the Russian winter offence failed and disasters in the Crimea and under Kharkov opened for Germans the way to Stalingrad and the Caucasus. Heavy fighting’s of summer and autumn of 1942 gradually taught the Russian troops the art of modern war. Powerful military-industrial base established in the east of the country, readiness of the people for self-sacrificing and maximum straining of all their forces allowed to reverse the military fortunes on the fronts in autumn of 1942. The author reveals the inseparable relationship between «Uranus» operation in the south and «Mars» operation in the central Russia, analyzes roles of these operations in the autumn-winter campaign of 1942. According to the author, the failure of «Mars» operation was a single operation’s defeat, which nevertheless allowed win the strategic victory under Stalingrad. Thus the military leadership sacrificed the operational success to the strategic one. Achievement of the radical turning point of the war was finally ensured.

The Jewish peasantry: myth or realty?

The article is devoted to one of aspects of the Soviet national policy in Ukraine in 1920s, i.e., to the Jewish agricultural colonization and to the problems which aroused between the immigrants-colonists and the local population. By virtue of the Jewish agricultural colonization the Ukrainian leaders tried to attract Jews to agricultural labor, to involve the Jewish population of the Soviet Union in the construction of socialism and, by improving economic conditions of this population to strengthen its own influence. Besides that, the Bolshevists hoped that this policy would ensure support of the USSR on the part of influential Jewish circles of Europe and the USA. However, due to several reasons rooted in the social-economic factor caused ethnic frictions between the local population and immigrants and the rise of anti-Semitic moods and attitudes in the countryside as well as among the urban dwellers. It is noted that where the interethnic relations were organized properly the frictions became weaker and gave way to good neighbors' relations between representatives of various ethnic groups. Though the Jewish agricultural colonization did not solve all tasks set forth by the USSR leadership it played, on the balance, its role in development of interethnic relations in our country

The Peter I Foreign Policy Legacy and Its Inheritors (1725-1762)

Peter the Great’s death left Russia with no rulers to match him. Nonetheless, his successors proved to be smart enough to realize the necessity of keeping Russia allied with great European powers. This helped secure the means to pursue St. Petersburg’s basic international goals. A young player in the world game of power politics, Russia still managed to adroitly capitalize on Franco-Austrian rivalry on the continent, and Franco-British antagonisms outside Europe. Consequently, she succeeded not only in preserving the Peter’s legacy, but also in setting the stage for herself to become one of the major architects of the new international order which comprised the fundamental components destined to survive through most of the XIX-th century.

Perception of History in the Russian Description of History

An inquiry deals with definitions of historical work in the Russian history-writing of the XVI century. Basing upon such examples as annals, ABC-books and works of Prince Andrey Kurbsky, the author shows that at that time «history» implied the specific type of narration distinct from other historic genres and akin to such fictional genre short story. Especially important influence on incipience of history-writing in Russia brought to bear eschatological anticipations and wide-spread practice of reading of portents. These two facts predetermined sophistication of the prescriptions on interpretation of events and composition of historical texts.

Metamorphoses and Destinies of Some National Ideas in the 19th Century

There is some common element in metamorphoses and destinies of the major states' national ideas in the 19th century. The German national idea as a concept of the national unification by the state emerged in 1813−1814, the years of liberation wars against Napoleon. Though this idea was developing in parallel with development of liberalism and the national unity was comprehended as the sine qua non of freedom, the epoch of occupation of the German lands by Napoleon imposed its impress on the idea: the «image of enemy» was implied in it from the very beginning. As the time passed the idea acquired the form of the imperial chauvinism. Distorted to the unrecognizable condition in the years of Hitler’s dictatorship the German national idea became an integral part of ideology that was aimed at the world domination and mass destruction. In the 19th Russia and Russians already did not confront the problem of struggle for independence and national unity. However the quest for the Russian national identity comprised an important part of ideological searches in the course of the whole 19th century. However if in the first half of the 19th century the Slavophiles and the Westerners focused their discussions predominantly on the distinctive nature and originality of the Russian culture the understanding of the national identity changed considerably by the end of the century. Nationalistic ideas acquired peculiar development, and Valdimir Solov’ev, the religious philosopher and poet, stepped forward with criticism of these ideas. Solov’ev argued that the genuine distinctive nature of Russia could not be attained by way of estrangement and isolation from the West. Solov’ev insisted on the necessity of permeation with principles of all-human Christian culture and a critical attitude to one’s own social reality. Only then it would be possible to take an active and independent part in the universal run of history.
1943 proved to be the turning point of the WW II. The states of the Nazi block lost their chance to win the war. On the Soviet-German front the roll of war started to move westwards. The battle of Kursk (April, 5, 1943 to August 23, 1943) became the key event. Mountains of books have been written about the battle on Orel-Kursk bulge. However these books, as a rule, elucidate only military aspect of the war. The aim of this article is to demonstrate interdependence of our strategy and policy during the year which became the turning point of the war, to demonstrate how the strategic successes of the Red Army on the battlefields were converted into the political victories (Tehran) and how all of that changed image of our army and image of the USSR in the world.

The Slovakian national uprising of 1944 in the military and political plans of the USSR

The author defines methodological approaches to investigation of the problem, shows the USSR’s attitude to the Slovakian national uprising during its preparation and the specific assistance given to insurgents during two months of their struggle against Wehrmacht forces that occupied Slovakia. The author argues that a historian can understand motives that guided Moscow in making specific decisions only if he/she considers these motives in the context of relations within anti-Hitlerite coalition at that time, in the context of the Soviet-Czechoslovakian relations, of the USSR’s military strategy and the USSR’s political plans for Central and Eastern Europe as a region. Having understood as early as during preparation for the uprising that it did not contradict the national and state interests of the USSR, that Communists took an active part in organization of the uprising and that Czechoslovakian émigré government was interested in the uprising, the Soviet leadership and personally I. V. Stalin made the principal decision to support the uprising. Allies of the USSR were not going to render an effective assistance to the insurgents for they thought that such assistance was the business of the USSR because Slovakia fell within the Soviet zone of hostilities. The Soviet military command, with Stalin’s approval, modified the Red Army’s military plans to establish interaction with the revolted detachments of the Slovakian army and partisans. The USSR provided the insurgents with the feasible assistance with arms and munitions though due to various reasons could not satisfy the insurgents' requests to the full.

Unknown Kennan. Remarks on Morphology of the Diplomat's Thought

Who are you, Mr. Kennan? Many contemporary scholars of the XX-th century diplomacy address this question to the well-known American diplomat, historian, policy analyst and expert on Soviet affairs, whose life way while manifesting the deep-rooted integrity always demonstrates alternative visions of the nation, international relations and prospects of the society in the world. George Frost Kennan made its own and prominent contribution to the explanation of the new worldwide role of the United States after World War II. Appeared to be influential among the «realists» who applied theory to diplomacy Kennan introduced his «containment of communism» concept as an antidote to legalistic approach to world affairs. Kennan urged in his famous cabled dispatches from Moscow and «Foreign Affairs» essay on the sources of Soviet behavior (1947) that relations with Soviet Union be placed entirely on a realistic and matter-of-fact basis, guided not by morality or altruism, but by the strengths and weakness of nations. Opposed as it was to moralism and Roosevelt’s policy of internationalism Kennan’s realism reflected not merely a concern for fact or reality but also a regard for elemental power as predominant force and influence. In proposing the principle of containment of the Soviet Union Kennan was taking for granted suppositions about America’s superior place not only in space but also in time. He won the political acknowledgment as an intellectual catalyst to the policy of confrontation while the Soviet Union, saying that the Kremlin was uncooperative and explaining why the United States had to check Soviet hostility and combativeness. But the author of the present essay, based upon some new primary source material, concentrates his attention mainly on the changing diplomat’s mentality as an indirect reflection of the dynamic historical process with his unsolved conflicts and unexpected new realities. Kennan who had once conceived of America exerting pressure to mellow or eliminate Soviet power as a totalitarian force and threat to democracy all over the world up to the beginning of the fiftieth felt a deep pessimism even causing him to doubt not only the constructive role of the American diplomacy in world affairs but the very capability for his country to solve domestic imperfections and propose to the rest of the world the new way of thinking which will provide a spiritual purpose for humanity in trouble.

Overcoming the past: disputes on totalitarianism in Germany, Italy, and Russia

The author summarizes results of discussion on totalitarianism in Germany, Italy, and the USSR that developed in historical science of the past decades. The particular emphasis is made on attempt to revise the history. The author pays considerable attention to works of the Western historians, first of all, German and Italian ones who had elaborated new approaches to study Fascism and Nazism. The author analyzes concepts of revisionists (Ernst Nolte, Renzo de Felice and others) and response these historians evoked among representatives of other historical schools. The author offers a concise characterization of study of totalitarianism in the Russian historical science. Debates over possibilities of comparing three totalitarian regimes that existed in three countries are reflected. Finally the author draws the conclusion that further full-fledged discussion on overcoming blind alleys of the past and delivering the society from mutilations inflicted by the anti-humane 20th century.
The article is devoted to the life and activities of V. M. Molotov who was one of the major political figures of the Soviet history. Molotov belongs to the old cohort of the Bolshevist revolutionaries. V.I. Lenin discovered Molotov and promoted him to the rank of a secretary of the Party’s Central Committee. Later on Molotov became Stalin’s right hand in his struggle for power. After defeat of the internal party opposition Molotov presided over the Soviet government and was the People Commissioner (the minister) of foreign affairs. In this capacity Molotov was the chief negotiator with Hitler, Churchill and Roosevelt. Upon the death of the leader and the father of all nations Molotov claimed the prime role in the party but suffered a succession of defeats and Khruschev dismissed him from the higher Soviet leadership and then from the party.

The Incorporation of Georgia into the Russian Empire and Exacerbation of International Relations in Transcaucasus (1801–1804)

The article describes the basic motives underlying St. Petersburg government`s decision to incorporate Georgia into the Russian Empire in 1801. The author suggests that Georgian kings Irakli II and Giorgi XII had no other way to save the nation from impending catastrophe than to subject the kingdom to Russian imperial throne. By taking Georgia under her protection Russia inadvertently challenged traditional interests of Iran and Turkey in Transcaucasia. The early XIX century developments in the region were complicated by ever growing British and French presence in Iranian politics. Eventually the building tension resulted in an open clash between Russia and Iran to be subsequently followed by more pronounced involvement of all powers concerned.

Russian Fascist Рarty in Manchuria (1920-1940)

The Far Eastern emigration, the integral part of the post-October Russian emigration, had a lot in common with the Russian emigration in Europe. However there were serious distinctions. A well organized and active fascist party in Manchuria is one of the peculiarities the White emigrants in China demonstrated. The author undertakes an effort to reveal reasons for emergence of a Russian fascist organization precisely in Harbin. The author analyzes the main program documents and the principal directions of this organization’s activities and provides characterization of the VFP leaders. The Russian fascist had quite clear ideological program (based on anti-Communism, anti-Sovietism and anti-Semitism. They waged struggle against the Soviet state vigorously and got a support from similar bodies in other countries and the Japanese military administration. The principal targets of the party were: accomplishment of the national revolution in Russia, overthrow of the Soviet power, establishment of the fascist dictatorship. The VFP succeeded in creation of its own subsidiary structures (women, youth, children organization) and in exercising of some control over emigrants' professional associations. However the White emigrants as a whole were obviously hostile to the VFP because of its unconcealed resemblance with the notorious Black hundreds, unscrupulous use of methods (including murders) and faithful service to the Japanese authorities.

Influence of Nicolas II Сourt Environment on the Political Orientation of the Russian Supreme Power during World War I.

The court environment of Nicolas II is the subject of intense attention of several generations of historians. There are many valuable sources on this span of the Russian history. Materials of the Provisional interrogative commission established by the Provisional government are among the most interesting among these sources. On the grounds of these materials the author traces influence of various country groups on the domestic and foreign policies of the last Russian emperor. The author considers several serious issues of the Nicolas II reign including the issue of Rasputin’s infiltration into the emperor’s closest circle and the issue of attempts to make a separate peace in the World War I.

February «Revolution from above» or Fiasco of the «General for Pronunciamento»

The result of the participation of Russian Army leader in the February Revolution 1917 is the sum of the historiographical presentations, wich occasionally very far from the historical reality. The researchers examined through this presentations, wich embarrass the creation of the adequate reconsruction of the past, the attitude of Nicolas II and generals to the opposition and the opposition to emperer and the Stavka, the character of general N. Ivanov expedition, the circumstances of the voyage of Nicolas from Mogilev to Pskov, the reasons of the monarch abdication to the benefit of son and then brother. In given article the author, baseing on the analise of the new and new reading of the old sources, permits the new, original treatment of the well-known events.

From Baba into Lady? The Transformation of Evdokiia Kulikova

This article addresses questions concerning the impact of rural-urban migration, the market economy and the new consumer culture on the lives of peasant women who moved to a major city. Its focus is Evdokiia Kulikova, born to an impoverished peasant household, raised in rural Tver' and unhappily married to a fellow villager, who sought to escape that marriage by petitioning the tsar. The dossier generated by her appeal sheds light on the opportunities that urban life might offer an intelligent, literate, enterprising and attractive young woman in the sphere of sexual relations, self-presentation and social mobility. The testimony of individuals across the social spectrum demonstrates Kulikova’s success in transforming herself from a village woman (baba) to a lady (baryshnia), and in making taste, rather than birth, the marker of her social position and character. At the same time, however, her history illuminates some of the ways that restrictive laws and arbitrary administrative practices continued to restrict mobility and retard individual autonomy even in the context of a major city.

Did the «Golodomor» Take Place Indeed?

The article deals with one of the most important aspects of the Ukraine Nazi’s ideology: the so-called «golodomor». Currently it’s the Ukraine name for the starvation of 1932−1933, but it’s not just «starvation». «Golodomor» is an ideological concept, the powerful tool for influencing the mass-consciousness. This arm is used by the Ukraine Nazis and establishment as well as by foreign enemies of the USSR — Russia. These circles present «golodomor» as the ethnocide — the purposeful exterminating of Ukraine people carried out in practice by the Moscow leaders. It came that far that they call it «Ukraine holocaust». According to the ideologists' plan the «golodomor» phenomenon must become the solid ground, on which the still unformed Ukraine nation will strengthen its national idea. The main point of the idea is the statement that Russians and Ukrainians are totally different peoples, alien to each other; the «golodomor» phenomenon is aimed to blacken Russia and accuse it of the oppression of Ukraine. The author shows that the idea of «golodomor» is but the political and ideological myth that has nothing in common with the reality of the past. The starvation of 1932−33 struck all the USSR, caused the sufferings of all the peasants and had nothing to do with any national differentiation. The starvation was caused by totally different social, political and economical reasons and wasn’t the consequence of the Soviet leaders' will to annihilate the Ukrainians as a folk.

The Nest of the Chernosotentsy near Moscow (A Law Suit of 1928 in Sergiev Posad)

The author describes the suit of 1928 against the «former people» who were chased by the Soviet government and tried to hide at the walls of Troitse-Sergiev monastery. The suit started with the article «The list of personnel of the Church Committee of Sergiev-town» that appeared in the magazine «Atheist at a machine» («Bezbozhnik u stanka»; № 3, 1928). The main idea of the article was that the «former people» took the leading posts in the offices that were responsible for the cultural life in town. It was the starting-point of their chasing in papers and magazines of Moscow and Sergiev. At night of the 11/12th of May they shoot in Kostomarovs’s window (Kostomarov was the chief of an agitation and propaganda local committee of the Communist Party). This shot was put down to chernosotentsy. At night of the 21/22th of May 150 «former people» were arrested. 80 of them were sentenced, many people were expelled for 3 years. After the suit the churches of Sergiev were closed, the monk communities were abolished. This suit forestalled the year of the «great breaking» (1929).

The Failure of the Scattered Attack

In the second part of the article the author affirms that a woman «makes» a man and then takes the responsibility for him in the society. A child is her exclusive field of creation. It is necessary to settle back in people minds the idea that children are not the burden but happiness and blessing itself, that bringing them up is a very important work. A woman cannot abandon her duties for a long time because the comfort of a man and children depend on her. If this comfort gets misbalanced a family and the activity of men and children come to the deep crisis. The «masculinisation» of women strengthens the processes that let the world upside down, provoke the transference of the sexual poles and finally lead mankind to death. The author reckons that the target of any revolution is to break a woman. The suffragettes' leaders, pursuing interests of their families, achieved the enslaving of other women with the help of the labor market. The happenings of 1991 in Russia brought back in our life the basic female values. It is important for a woman now to realize anew her responsibility and to use the modern opportunities of her creative activity.

Marking NEP’s «Slippery Path»

When he was arrested in September 1923 A. M. Krasnoshchekov was founder and chair of the directorate of the highly successful Bank of Industry and Trade (Prombank). A Communist, Krasnoshchekov was well known in Russia and abroad, not least because he was former President of the Far East Republic. When arrested he was charged with corruption, abuse of authority, isolation from the proletariat, and other violations of «Communist ethics». The following March he became the first prominent Communist to be put through a show trial. This article examines the arrest and trial of Krasnoshchekov from a number of perspectives in order both to shed light on the case itself and on the broader political environment of the early NEP period. The first part of the article, published in this issue, first discusses the historiography of Soviet show trials. Krasnoshchekov’s case has been overlooked, despite widespread publicity at the time, but it deserves attention as the first show trial of an important Communist official, one whose career had been advanced by Lenin himself. Then the question of the regime’s economic policy is addressed. In this regard, the turn toward stronger party control over the economy in 1923 may have been a factor in the downfall of the highly independent head of Prombank. The last section in this part peers into the «trenches» at Prombank, illuminating how the «class struggle» between Communist agents and Prombank’s leadership unfolded.

Marking NEP’s «Slippery Path» (the end)

This is Part II of an article on the 1924 show trial of A.M.Krasnoshchekov, head of the Bank of Industry and Trade (Prombank). This part compares Krasnoshchekov’s punishment to that meted out to others accused of similar offenses and discusses what is known about the lifestyles of members of the new Communist elite. The article then considers why Krasnoshchekov was singled out for harsh treatment. Five scales of causation are considered: personal qualities and relationships, the conflict inside Prombank, inter-institutional rivalries, the needs of the country’s ruling elite, and the broad issue of how to construct socialism. The last factor is especially important – Krasnoshchekov’s alternative «new economic policy» deserves recognition as a «road not taken», one that was fundamentally different from «socialism in one country».
The article deals with an episode of D.D.Pletnev, prominent Russian physician and one of founders of cardiology. Liberal opinion D. Pletnev held from his young years were well known. In spring of 1907, when Pletnev was a private associate professor of Moscow university Ministry of popular education allocated funds necessary for his long-term mission abroad. About six months later when the German police by a mistake acquired serious doubts in political reliability of Pletnev who carried on research in University of Berlin. However these doubts were dispelled with no harm for the suspect. Nevertheless correspondence between the German and Russian police chiefs went on for about 5 months and these messages are deposited in the Police department and Moscow security department archives.

May 5–9, 1945: Liberation of Prague revisited

Relief of Prague from German Nazi occupation was the final major battle of WWII in Europe. German group of armies «Center» under command of Field Marshal Shoerner and SS detachments that had been ordered to fight against the Red Army to the last cartridge and then surrender to Americans who were approaching from the West were concentrated in the city and its vicinity. Several forces took part in liberation of Prague: inhabitants of the city who rose in revolt against Germans, servicemen from a division of so called Russian liberation army under General Vlasov, units of the First, the Second and the Fourth Ukrainian fronts of the Red Army. In the course of four days, from May 5 to May 9, the control over the city or its parts several times changed hands. In accordance with understanding with the Soviet high command the American forces that were 60 km off Prague did not develop the offence towards the city, even though they could liberate it easily, the more so because Wermacht units did not offer any resistance to them. Prague was liberated finally and completely on May 9 in result of successful Prague operation carried out by the Red Army. The author shows who events developed in Prague on May 5−9, 1945, what forces took part in liberation of the city and what were relations among these forces.

The first election: electoral campaign of Ivan the Terrible

The author deals with the Polish interregnum period (1572−1576) and describes programs offered by the principal pretenders to the royal throne: Maximillian, the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, his son Ernest, Johan III, the King of Sweden, Ivan the Terrible, the czar of Russia, Henry d’Anjou, the French prince, Stephan Bathorius* etc. In May of 1573 the Rzecz Pospolita elected Henry Valois to the throne because Poland wanted to arrange an alliance with France. However Henry’s escape 16 weeks after the coronation divided Polish and Lithuanian societies into several factions. On of them provided support for Maximillian Habsburg, the other one did the same for Ivan the Terrible and the third faction rallied around Stephan Bathorius. The author makes conclusion on principal contradictions between the Russian and the European political cultures: the notions of a king’s prerogatives and powers were absolutely different. It is noted that parties could not find a common language. Every party insisted on its own program. Under such circumstances Stephan Bathorius, «the upstart from Transylvania» proved to be in the most favorably situation and won at elections of 1576. Unlike other pretenders Stephan did not confine himself to the royal etiquette but acted in a more decisive way. Having lost the election Ivan the Terrible missed a chance to win the Livonian War by diplomatic means and afterwards lost it altogether.

The Japanese factor in war in Europe, 1941–1945

The war against Germany required maximum efforts from all countries of anti-Nazism coalition. But the US waged the war against Japan too. Roosevelt was very worried by the fact that the properly Japanese territory was inaccessible for the American air forces that were incapable to strike at it. In Tehran and later Stalin promised to start the war against Japan in 2−3 moths after victory in Europe. Yet the US President was preoccupied with the question how to use the USSR in this war. In 1943−1944 the Americans arranged with Moscow to make use of the Soviet airfields in Siberia and in Far East. However by 1945 it became obvious that this plan was impractical. Besides that, Americans had got B-29 bombers that could reach the Japanese Islands and strike at them. However the effect of these air raids was less than it was anticipated. Meanwhile the most difficult and bloody battles on the Japanese Islands and in China lied ahead. Being aware of the Japanese fanaticism the Americans did their best to avoid major land battles that took a terrible toll in lives. It was considered that the war would possibly continue for a year and losses would amount to 1.5 million people. Then an idea came: exerting the maximum effort aimed at destruction of Germany the USA had to wait for the deadline Stalin had indicated for attack on Japan (3 months) when the USSR would attack the most battle-worthy Japanese forces deployed in the mainland of Asia (i.e., in Manchuria, North China, Korea) and would assume the main brunt of land battles. Indeed, even after the atomic bombardments the Japanese continued to fight. Only destruction of main land forces of Japan made by the Soviet troops in 23 days accelerated the fall of the Japanese aggressor considerably.

«Rus» and «Russian Land» Concepts in the Mentality of Ancient Russian Scribes of the 11th–15th Century

The author presents a new interpretation of «rus/Rus» and «Russian land» concepts origin and traces their genesis back to the specific mentality of ancient Russian scribes of the 11th-15th century. The author offers a new perusal of the phrase: «отъ варяг бо прозвашася русью» (…«took their name «rus» from varangians»). The conventional interpretation of this phrase from the «Povest' vremennykh let» («Chronograph») original manuscript corpus is that the very name «rus» was derived from a name of some varangian tribe which bequeathed its name to another ethnic group. The author insists that the phrase should be read as follows: «varangians called them „rus“». According to mentality and world view of ancient Russian scribes the name «rus» was derived under influence of Byzantine chronicles from name of the elected Biblical tribe Pώz. Upon acceptance of Christianity in Rus a new concept «Russian land» appeared. That concept described a territory where the Orthodox faith dominated. As Constantinople fell in 1453 and Moscow Rus emancipated itself from the Mongol-Tatar yoke in 1480 notions «Russian» and «believer in Orthodox faith» became synonymic while Moscow Rus as the only independent Orthodox state was perceived as the guardian of the Orthodox faith until the doomsday which was expected to come in year 7000 (1492).

Explanation and «Paradox» in the Present-day Historical Science

The article is dedicated to an interesting phenomenon of the contemporary Russian historiography — the phenomenon of «paradox»; it is focused on the methodological principles of historians who study consciousness (notions, «mentality») of medieval people. The strategies which are applied here are based on totally different assumptions: while some historians insist on the idea that categories and concepts of people remain unaltered through centuries, the others ground the theory of «fundamental difference» between «the way of thinking» of medieval people and our contemporaries. Nevertheless historians of both trends agree on the idea that we can find many «paradoxes» in medieval sources and in «the medieval way of thinking» itself. As a result, we may speak of a peculiar explanatory theory that is being created in history. The author of the article seeks after finding the non-verifying suppositions (hypothetical knowledge) in the works of historians who not only see «paradoxes» in sources but accept their objective status. Finding out «paradoxes» in medieval texts and «mentality» is the result of certain guess-works that are taken by historians in the process of investigating sources or even before opening them. Studying these problems on the ground of some well-known researches the author comes close to the relevant issue of «understanding» and «explaining» methods in history and methodological principles that are necessary for the verified study of self-consciousness of a man and an epoch.

Was it Early or Late? Marginal Notes on Well-Known Pages of History

The author clears up to what extent transformations that determined peculiarities of the Russian modernization of the 19th and early 20th centuries (abolition of serfdom and start of transition to constitutionalism) were well-timed. The author assesses capability of Russian rulers to meet challenge of the time, traces consequences of collision between «early» and «late» that occurred in their policy, finds out an extent of the society’s readiness for reforming and role of other factors that affected behavior of politicians. In particular, the author characterizes attitude of Nicolas II toward the «constitution» he granted. Doing that the author takes into consideration the archaism of the last Czar’s worldview. The author argues that delay with reforms and inconsistency in their implementation contributed to destabilization of the society. In conclusion the author collates historians' statements on validity and justification of search for alternatives of development in the past and on danger of intellectual speculations.
The article is devoted to life and creative work of Afzaladdin Badil Ibrahim ibn Ali Khakani Shirvani, one of the greatest Persian lyric poets. Analysis of Khakani’s verses and circumstances of life that accompanied these verses' emergence allowed the author to introduce some important amendments into the poet’s biography. The author considers Khakani’s creative work against a broad historical background and investigates the poet’s multifaceted interests to his own country and the adjacent countries: Byzantine, Georgia, Iraq, Armenia, Rus. Khalani’s poetry is the embodiment of aesthetic, ethical, philosophical and historical culture. Khakani’s poetry reflected the variegated life of Transcaucasia and Middle East in the epoch of Turkomans' expansion to the West and did that with a greater authenticity than many chronicles and scientific treatises. It is not for nothing that historians in their studies so often refer to Khakani’s poetical testimonies. His poetry contains pre-admonition of Byzatine’s collapse which would have to occur nearly three centuries later. His poetry contains admonition of planetary disaster which would happen unless injustice of the social arrangement is done away. Khakani’s poetry is the poetry of pain caused by personal humiliation and humiliation of the nation. It is the poetry of persistence, tenacity and courage. At the end of the article the author offers analysis of Khakani’s poetics. The author demonstrates influence of Khakani’s creative work on many his contemporaries and later poets including Hafiz, another man of genius in the Persian poetry.

The Blasting Power of «Judicial Statutes»

he article deals with the judicial reform of 1864. Its contemporaries and later researchers called it the most consistent among all «great reforms». That consistency which brought about the complete liquidation of the old, in all respects abominable system and emergence of the new system which was, no doubt, by far more attractive one is demonstrated by the author on rich and diversified material. In a no less convincing manner the author demonstrates the paradox created in Russia by the autocracy which carried out the liberal reforms. The new courts as well as other institutions established in the course of reforms could not find a room within framework of the autocratic and bureaucratic system and permanently compromised and, moreover, destroyed the old judicial system. In result the power had inevitably either to change itself in spirit of the reforms it initiated making itself more liberal or to distort the new court and impose its will on the new court, zemstva (local self-government bodies) etc. The czarist government opted for precisely the second way.

On «the Czarist Okhranka» and «the Departamental» History

Reminiscences of the Czarist secret police leaders are the source which allows shed light on the problem of the potential for reforming and increasing longevity of the Russian monarchy, hunt down elements of continuity that existed between pre-revolutionary and the Soviet political systems in reality and in perception of contemporaries including those who compared «the okhranka» with the CheKa. Describing technologies the «okhranka» employed in its struggle against the revolutionary and opposition movements, the memoirists at the same time performed as the departamental historiographers. They try to understand the circumstances due to which the «okhranka» proved to be incapable to save the monarchical regime. Their opinions, observations, assessments, precise as well as biased ones, reflected condition of the ruling elite, contradictions within the bureaucratic stratum on the eve of events that staggered Russia in 1917.
The following article is dedicated to revision of the main aspects of Decembrist’s secret societies history. Its author argues that usual to many scholars as well as readers ideas about secret societies are based on the conception created by the Southern society leader Pavel Pestel during interrogation. It had little resemblance to reality. This conception presented Decembrist movement as an endless ideological debate, complicated by bloody regicide projects. Pestel’s conception suited him well to hide the real preparations to the seizure of power, leaded by him. It also suited well the new emperor, permitting him to hide from Europe the army’s corruption and to justify hard sentences to the accused. The article points out, that the classical Decembrist studies had reached a deadlock, and needs complete rethinking.

«Vendee»: Historical Event in a Role of Political Allegory

In 1793 a great uprising in the West of France threatened the very life of Revolution. Country people in adjacent sections of Poitou, Anjou, and Brittany joined to attach the forces of the Republic. These events, known as a War of the Vendée or the Vendee counterrevolution, never stopped inspiring histories in great volume and variety. Many terms engendered by French Revolution are omnipresent today in any European language. Nevertheless theirs specific contents were shifted creating more wide signification. Thus, «the Right» and «the Left» are synonymous to Conservative and Democrat; the Thermidor represents the «end of the Revolution» etc. The Civil War in the Vendee (1793–1796) and its aftermath (up to 1832) were the origin of the fundamental division in subsequent French politics, the division between the «Patriot» East and the «Counterrevolutionary» West, strongly perceived up to the late XX-th century. As a result «the Vendee» played exclusively a symbolic role, allegorizing a Counterrevolution in general, devoid of real historical substance. The tradition of imaginary instead of reality created the most favourable conditions for successful international adoption of a new term. Thus, the widespread perception in Russia was that the Revolution of 1789 was an uncompleted October 1917. As it was no place to peasant counterrevolution in Leninist doctrine the «Russian Vendee» (as well as a French prototype) were lacking in historians interest

Georgi Dimitrov as a Soviet Сitizen: 1943–1945 (Based on G.Dimitrov’s Diaries)

Bulgarian Communists Georgi Dimitrov was a Soviet citizen from 1934 to 1945. At I.V.Stalin's wish in 1935 Dimitrov took the position of the Communist International Executive Committee Secretary General. In his work Dimitrov constantly followed instructions given by the Soviet chiefs, first and foremost by Stalin. Dimitrov described in his Diary meetings and conversations with Stalin and other Soviet political figures. Entries attest Dimitrov’s unconditional loyalty to the Kremlin leader and adoration Dimitrov felt toward Stalin. Diary also testifies Dimitrov’s conviction in rightness of and commitment to the cause which he devoted his life to, in the messianic role of the Bolshevik party and the Soviet state. The article is based on materials of Dimitrov’s Diary and other archive documents.

Georgi Dimitrov as a Soviet Сitizen: 1934–1945. Based on G.Dimitrov’s Diaries (the end)

The idea to dissolve the Comintern started to ripen since spring of 1941 but after German attack on the USSR it was forgotten for a while. The Soviet leadership revived to the idea in May, 1943, when it took pains to strengthen cooperation within anti-Hitlerite coalition and to provide for consolidation of all anti-Nazi forces in their struggle against Nazi Germany. Functions of the dissolved Comintern were vested in International information Department of the All-Union Communist Party Central Committee. Until his departure to Bulgaria in autumn, 1945, the Department was headed by G. Dimitrov who presided over the body actually at first and later on officially. Prior to his leave for Bulgaria Dimitrov renounced his Soviet citizenship. While in charge of the most important state and Party positions in Bulgaria Dimitrov often visited the USSR for medical treatment and kept the permanent contact with Stalin whose instructions Dimitrov took as guidance.

Progressist Golitsyn and his Diary

The diary of Prince V.M.Golitsyn, a Moscow liberal public figure contains diversified information on life of Moscow and Russia in pre-revolutionary years. This valuable source also allows making an opinion on the personality of Golitsyn. In spite of his aristocratic ancestry Golitsyn’s views made him closer to bourgeois circles than to the gentry. From the diary a researcher may derive new data on the progressists' party which emerged before WWI and on progressism as a social-cultural phenomenon. Golitsyn’s reflections covered a wide range of problems that excited him and his contemporaries. These included social, political, moral problems. Taken together, observations and opinions of Golitsyn create a multi-dimensional picture of the Russian reality of the early 1900s with all its inherent principal antagonisms.

Heritage of the Russian Social Democracy

The author undertakes a systemic holistic analysis of opinions and theoretical notions of the Russian Social Democracy. The author focuses on the key propositions of the world and Russian labor movement’s doctrine elaborated by Mensheviks after 1917, investigates reasons of divisions amongst Social Democratic leaders who took different views on the most important issues of international and domestic life. Divergence of opinion amongst Menshevik leaders on prospects of possible forms of struggle against the Bolshevik experiment worsened further and further. At the same time the author examines also the fundamental aspects of Weltanschauung that dovetailed Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. In spite of obvious community of some political slogans, antagonists interpreted the meaning of social revolution, role of proletariat dictatorship, essence of democracy as people’s power differently. The author pays a peculiar attention to specific directives and political statements the Social Democrats addressed to the international labor movement on the eve of the war between the USSR and Hitler’s Germany and to views of some representatives of the movement after the WWII.

The Caucasian Warof the 18th–19th Centuriesin the Historical Memory

The author considers commemorative complex of the Caucasian war of the 18th-19th centuries as it emerged by 1914. Monuments, names of warships, toponymy, historical publications, medals, jubilee ceremonies, museum exhibitions are considered in the context of forging of historical memory about inclusion of North Caucasus and Trans-Caucasia into the Russian Empire. Military operations against mountaineers appeared at the periphery of the state and pubic interest because such activities didn’t exactly fit the military-memorial scheme which emerged by the early 20th century.

The Abortive Revolution Revisited (S.P.Trubetskoi and the Chernigovsky Regiment’s Rebellion)

The article is devoted to one of the most acute in the current research of Decembrist movement issues, the issue of the Decembrists' ‘plan of actions' on the even of the rebellion of December 14, 1825. The authors pay the particular attention to the Northern society’s leaders, to S.P. Trubetskoi, the rebellion ‘dictator'. It is demonstrated that at the basis of S. P. Trubetskoi’s intentions lied the idea of joint action of the Northern and the Southern societies. His activities aimed at implementation of this intent are analyzed. The authors also analyze the reasons due to which this ‘plan of action' was left unrealized.

Moscow-Budapest: Liners of Mutual Relations, 1948–2008

The article is devoted to 60 year long history of relations between Moscow and Budapest, from conclusion of treaty between the USSR and Hungary up to present days. The author distinguishes and analyzes stages and important moments of the Soviet-Hungarian and Russian-Hungarian relations and emphasizes that prior to fall of 1956 Hungary had no independent foreign policy of its own and was subject to the interests of the USSR and of block the USSR constructed and presided over. The author identifies and characterizes qualitative elements that developed in relations between two countries after revolution and change of the Hungarian political elite. A considerable attention is paid to analysis of Soviet-Hungarian relations during rule of Y.Kadar. At that time relations between two countries were influenced by economic reform in Hungary, Kadar’s personal contacts of with the Soviet leaders, and interaction of political processes that developed in 1950s and 1960s in Hungary and the USSR. A particular attention is paid to drives to democratization of social life and attempts to build bridge between East to West. The author indicates importance of the first treaty which was signed between the RF and Hungary in December, 1961, in emergence of relations of the new type. Formation of foreign policy doctrines in both countries and transition of both countries to parliamentary democracy contributed to the process. The author does not circumvent difficulties and omissions in development of Russian-Hungarian relations at the turn of the 20th and 21 centuries. He considers problem of community of interests in protection of rights of fellow-countrymen who happened to be beyond frontiers of their countries. Specific issues of revival and considerable resuscitation of relations between Russia and Hungary are considered in the concluding part of the article.
Reminiscences of N.N.Shevyakina, teacher of Russian language and literature, graduate of Leningrad State University are devoted to the blockade of Leningrad. Everyday life and workdays of the blockade have become the principal interest of the author. The author’s aspiration to communicate her personal experiences authentically and precisely make Shevyakina’s notes a valuable historical source.

E.Benes: between London and Moscow. From Plan of Czeckoslovakian-Polish Confederation to the Idea of the Soviet-Czeckoslovakian Treaty of 1943

The author investigates a difficult way to preparation and signature of the UUSR-Czeckoslovakia treaty of 1943. In 1940 the Polish émigré government brought forward an idea of Poland and Czeckoslovakia unification in a confederacy (federation). The idea was approved and supported by the British. The Foreign Office perceived confederation arrangement of territories adjacent to the USSR as a certain step to strengthening of the British influence in East European region and to continuation of the cordon sanitaire policy towards the USSR. Leaders of Czeckoslovakian political emigration enthusiastically took up the initiative stipulating at the sane time that the USSR must agree with creation of the confederation. Moscow adopted a wait-and-see suspicious position. The article is written on the basis of recently opened Russian and Czeck archives.

E.Benes: between London and Moscow. From Plan of Czeckoslovakian-Polish Confederation to the Idea of the Soviet-Czeckoslovakian Treaty of 1943 (the end)

In spring 1943, when Soviet-Polish diplomatic relations were interrupted the USSR declared its disagreement with creation of Czechoslovakian-Polish confederation. The USSR approved neither the idea of signing Czechoslovakian-Polish treaty nor tripartite Soviet-Polish-Czechoslovakian treaty. So the idea of Soviet-Czechoslovakian treaty emerged. Theoretically this treaty was opened for the third country, Poland at an appropriate moment. The Soviet leaders and Czechoslovakian president E. Benes were intent to sign the treaty as soon as possible. The British objected because they thought that treaties of this kind between the great powers and small countries could be signed only after the war. Finally, the British resistance was cracked down. The treaty was signed in Moscow on December 12, 1943. The author adduces many documents that confirm her concept and conclusions.
The authors consider ideological origins, history of the Eurasian thought formation and development. A particular attention is paid to eminent representatives of this movement. Their opinions and fates are investigated not just on the basis of their works but also on the basis of documents from the Central archive of the RF Federal security service.
The author tracks down the evolution of known publicist and historian N. Valentinov (N.V.Volsky) opinions in the course of his long life. Valentinov, a non-party democrat and Socialist, since 1930 a forced emigrant demonstrated a rare independence of judgments as well as ability to critical self-judgment. He was interested in difficult problems of the Russian history that were banned in the USSR as subjects of scientific investigation. In particular, Valentinov was interested in such subjects as transformation of Russia before the WWI, potential of the New Economic Policy, role of intelligentsia in the country modernization, Marxism on the Russian soil, personality of Lenin and ideological roots of Bolshevism, Russia and Europe, causes of the Stalinist regime validation, causation of this regime by short-term circumstances and traditions of the national conscience, world-views and public positions of Gorky, Block, Andrei Belyi et al. Valentinov was an objective scholar and many his observations and conclusions preserve their importance to this day.

The Banality of Evil or Evil of Stupidity

The author focuses on study of the book by the known German political philosopher Hannah Arendt «Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil». Arendt proves that Eichmann became one of the most terrible criminals in the history of humankind precisely «due to his irreflection», stupidity which is «capable to bring more evil to the world than all evil instincts dormant in any person». Process of the world cognition for Arendt has not just social and political but also ethical meaning. Free of banalities, the book on the banality of evil is filled with original ideas and approaches to issues that seem to be clear and solved in the historical literature long ago.
On October 14, 1943, prisoners of the Jews extermination at Sobibor rose in rebellion. They killed all SS watchmen. The majority of prisoners wrested out of the camp. It was the only case in the whole history of WWII when revolt in a death camp succeeded.

Russian-American Company in the Decembrists’ Plans. Addendum to K.F.Ryleev’s Biography

The author examines the revolutionary activities of Kondrati Ryleev, one of the Decembrists’ movement leaders and finds out that in the process of anti-government coup preparation Ryleev took advantage of his duty position of the senior manager of the Russian-American Company, the biggest Russian joint stock company of the time. For the first time in historiography the author specifies the Decemberists’ plans to bring the Czar’s family out of Russia and demonstrates that these plans were connected with a maritime expedition to Russian America which was scheduled for August, 1826, and was organized at the Russian-American Company’s expense.

Meiji Japan in the Western Perception

The article provides an analysis of Japan’s image that Tokyo was projecting in the countries of the West in the Meiji era (1868−1912), mainly on the eve and during the Russo-Japanese war. The negative character of Japan’s image in the West («yellow peril») was recognised as one of the major security threats for the country, especially in war conditions, and an energetic public relations campaign was launched to improve it. The article explores the core elements of this «constructed image» and image-making techniques. Finally, it considers the implication of the ambition to create this «desired» image for Japanese foreign policy.

Stalin and Eisenstein (the Discussion about the Film «Ivan the Terrible»)

The author examines Stalin’s attitude to tsar Ivan the Terrible as it was revealed and evolved in debate with film-maker Serge Eisenstein. Traditionally it is presumed that the point of view expressed by the leader of the Bolshevist party was unique Stalin as the creator of the Great Terror simply liked tsar Ivan and his cruelties. The author argues that this interpretation is wrong. Stalin did not express any unique point of view. He just repeated what Soviet historians wrote not just in their general works but also in textbooks. Traditionally it is accepted that Sergey Eisenstein, the creator of ‘Ivan the Terrible' movie expressed the view which was quite typical for his time. However the author argues that the film-maker's position differed from the conventional scientific explanation of Ivan the Terrible reign. Stalin refused to add any psychological motives to Ivan’s image and deeds and presented him as the embodiment of the objective process of the Russian national state formation. Stalin was quite satisfied conventional positions of historians as well as content of textbooks that formed the stable stereotype of Ivan the Terrible epoch perception. Stalin did not abandon dialectics. Therefore he did not disclaim the tsar’s cruelty or atrocities. According to Stalin, any super-task is more important than instruments and ways of its attainment and efficiency expiates ‘subjective' errors. While Eisenstein emphasized contradictions inherent to the tsar Stalin was strong in stating the facts that were obvious for the contemporary historical sciences. As a big artist Eisenstein could not please the power to the full, he was more sympathetic to pre-revolutionary historians. Beneath collisions of Ivan the Terrible Eisenstein guessed a Shakespearian psychological drama. So ideology and creative work ran against each other.

Russia and Europe: Chase in the Field of Technologies

In the Russian historiography studies in the field of technological history are traditionally ‘equidistant' from investigation of its impact on social, economic, and cultural development of a society while foreign historians have investigate interaction between technology and socio-cultural environment which is contemporary to a particular technology. Russia has accepted innovations that came from the West in waves selectively. It should be noted that a series of national development peculiarities proved to act as brakes to introduction of some technological innovations. The countryside turned out to be the least adapted for acceptance of Western technologies. Peasants and landlords were not ready for transition and latter-day methods of agronomics and cattle breeding. A feeling of lagging behind the West engendered a peculiar cultural phenomenon which the author takes liberty to designate as ‘Levshism'. The designation is derived from the name of N. S. Leskov’s short novel hero Levsha, a craftsman from Tula who hacked the English flea.

History of Russia within Military Technologies Framework, 17th-21st Centuries

In the history of Russia the military factor was exceptionally important virtually in all branches: in economics, in domestic and foreign policies, in social organization as well as in Russians' self-perception. During last three centuries Russia had to sustain a difficult race in the sphere of military technologies in order to retain its great power status and the opportunity to follow its own way. The author analyzes the domestic socio-cultural realities' impact on the process.

«Not every Shining Piece is made of Gold»: On some Aspects of the Present Day Studies of the Post-October Menshevism

New documentary material introduced in scientific turn in recent 20 years, recovery of the theoretic legacy of the Russian Social-Democrars' leaders, expansion of the range of research problems and directions, transformation of key definitions that characterize ideological development of Menshevism for the first time allowed revealing to the full extent the essence of the strong criticism P.B.Akselrod, A.N.Potresov, I.G.Zereteli et al. raised against position the RSDP new leadership under by Yu.O.Matrov occupied toward Bolshevism after October, 1917. According to N.V.Volsky, only after loss of the party the Russian Social-Democrats repudiated what Dan and his followers tried to present as the so called «Martov's line» and retained «some positive profession of the higher human values and brought them into foundation of their programmatic notions».

Nicholas II and the State Duma: a New World?

The author examines the version according to which Nicholas II was not a conservative, he was a moderate liberal, adherent of constitution and of the popular representation. Presumably from the very outset of his reign Nicholas consistently implemented a project of monarchy renewal and acted irrespective of opposition or revolutionary movements. This version presents a special case of Nicholas II idealization connected with the present-day ideological conditions but unconfirmed by sources. The negative attitude of the emperor to the State Duma was determined by his traditionalist outlook, the idea of continuity without changes and of stability as the tranquility. In the early 20th century the autocracy was the real form of government as well as the mythology a part of which was the autocrat’s faith in the mythical people. The official concept of the autocracy started to contradict the logic of modernization process. The fate pf Stolypin’s reforms revealed that the reformist potential of the autocracy had been exhausted. The gap between the authorities and the changing reality coupled with widely spread religious indifferentism brought about the situation when the regime proved to be absolutely insulated at the critical moment.

K.F.Ryleev’s Family History in the Historical and Literary Context of the Late 18th – early 19th Century

The article deals with the family history of K.F.Ryleev, famous poet-Decembrist. The authors examine people who surrounded K.F.Ryleev in his childhood and adolescence, characterize the ambience within which he was born and emerged as a personality and within which his adult life ran to some extent. Connection of Ryleev’s history with his collection of letters, his creative, financial and journalistic activities is analyzed.

Splitted Memory: Russia and the World War 2

The Great Patriotic War of 1941−1945 is the single and the only event of the past memory of which is shared by all the country and plays the paramount role in reconstruction of the national identity after collapse of the USSR. The author investigates reasons that caused changes of attitudes toward the war and veterans in different periods of the Soviet and post-Soviet history. Two different memories have been traced to the war experience. The first memory is the recollections of the war tragedy, of liberation of not the Motherland but of the whole Europe from Nazism, memory of the utmost effort made for the sake of universal ideals of freedom. The other memory is connected with the revival of the state might and with creation of the cult of victory in the years of Brezhnev’s rule. This cult was designed as a new source of legitimization, a source which had to replace ideals of the October revolution that had run dry by that time. According to the author dissemination of the totalitarianism concept in the present day society (this concept combines Stalinism and Nazism) also distorts the memory of war. Yet, despite the state cult of victory which is still dominant the memory which carries ideals of freedom is alive in the present day Russia.

Russia — USA: Two Countries, Two Worlds

The author matches two worlds, Russia and USA, against each other and analyzed the history of Russian-American relations which is characterized by recurrent changes of thaws and cooling-downs. In particular, the author deals with opinions of two prominent thinkers and experts in cultural studies of the past, Toсqueville and Keiserling, about possible paths of Russia and USA future development. The time has proved accuracy of these thinkers’ many judgments. The author pays a particular attention to the new monograph by V.L.Mal’kov “Russian and USA in the 20th century”. Mal’kov considers relations of two countries in close connection with problems of spirituality, of the world perception by Americans and Russians taken as cultural entities with their inherent similarities and dissimilarities. The author pays a great attention to cooperation of two countries during the initial phase of the Great Patriotic War and to role played by Franklin D.Roosevelt in development of this cooperation and, first of all, in establishing diplomatic relations between two countries and in creating anti-Hitler coalition with the USSR participation.

«Semigodness of Tver»: Grand Duchess Ekaterina as Leader of Conservative National-Aristocratic «Party»

Grand Duchess Сatherine (1788−1819), «Semigodness of Tver», the sister of Alexander I, played an outstanding role in the process of genesis of Russian conservatism as a political trend. She initiated a creation of Manifesto of Russian conservative thought — «The Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia» by N.M.Karamzin. She proposed the leader of Russian conservative «Russian party» F.V.Rostopchin as a «dictator» of Moscow on the eve of the Patriotic war of 1812. Grand Duchess consequently fought against official liberalism of Alexander I. She was one of the personalities who managed to resign M.M.Speransky — the most important politician of official liberalism of that period.

Images of «National Heroes» of the War 1853–1856 in Cultural Memory

Despite the frustration the Crimean War caused its contemporaries, it did not become a forgotten war. On the contrary it inspired the creation of some of the Russian people’s most important patriotic symbols. From feelings of euphoria and expectations for victory after the Russian forces' initial success, the patriotic sentiments of early days of the war developed into a sense of mournful pride at the beginning of the twentieth century. It became increasingly important to remember the military and physical defeat, but not the moral one. This article shows the influence of the heroic tradition of past wars, in particular, the campaign of 1812 against Napoleon I, on the evolution of the memory of the Crimean War. This tradition gave the memory of the Crimean War its peculiar form; it also softened the image of the traumatic past by minimalizing the tragic nature of the war and increasingly emphasizing the heroic deeds of Russian soldiers. This article discusses the images of characters «from the people» formed in the narrative and included in the original pantheon of the war’s heroes in Crimea. The images were supposed to emphasize the popular character of the war, with much space being devoted to heroism, sacrifice, and moral superiority over the enemy. These characters change into the symbols that form part of the Sevastopol myth.

The Deformed and Decadent Modern Self: Public Discourse on the Urban Self in Russia, 1906-1916

Urban writers in prerevolutionary Russia, even those writing in mass-circulation newspapers, sounded a persistent alarm about the moral and spiritual condition of the self in the «conditions of modernity». They described the present as an age of sickness and decline. This decadent history was embodied in quite concrete forms (such as worries about modern sexual life or the «epidemic» of suicides) and in quite abstract feelings and thoughts. In particular, at the heart of talk about the fate of the person in the modern life of the city, notably in St. Petersburg, was a pessimistic view of time itself: an anxiety that the modern myth of time as «progress», the promise of continual change for the better, was falling into ruin. At issue was not simply Russian «backwardness» but also the intensifying experience of urban modernity. Given the harshness of the Russian experience, Russian urban observers were especially aware of the dark and destructive sides of modernity.

The First Step in de-Stalinization of the Historical Science

The author investigates the situation in the Russian historical science after Stalin’s death. The critical attitude toward the historical science was most vividly demonstrated at the supreme level conference held at the Presidium of the USSR Academy of science on March 20, 1953. The main topic expounded in speech of A.L.Sidorov, the deputy Director of the Institute of history was recognition of genius of Stalin’s work and the total failure of the historical science. The greatest blow was directed not against some particular person or even a group of persons. It was directed against Leningrad department of the Institute of history. Critics were going to liquidate Leningrad department due to its uselessness. The ideological machine could not stop immediately. However the disclosing hue was changing with the course of time. The official circles settled down to a course of the historical science gradual de-Stalinization. An example of this trend was preparation of materials for the summarizing article of A.M.Pankratova, one of the principal ideologists of the time. Many ideological exigencies were gradually smoothed over at the various stages of this preparation.

New European Paradigm of «Statehood»

The article is devoted to the new European paradigm of «statehood» in that its peculiar form in which it was assimilated by prominent Russian historians. In this respect the author examines works of S.M.Soloviev, K.D.Kavelin and B.N.Chicherin. Thus the concept of «statehood» is being developed and defined within proper theoretical context and has to facilitate understanding of the Russian history all over its continuity. However the author emphasizes that theoretical assumptions of historians should be analyzed very attentively and require a profound understanding. For experience of new European interpretation of the «state» and «statehood» concepts are very different from what one can find in the Russian sources of the pre-Peter I times.
The author deals with emergence of Stalinism as a phenomenon and elaboration of its principal, universal concepts. The new socio-political and legal doctrine was discussed and put into turnover by members of the Marxists-supporters of the statehood Society. Until recently virtually nothing has been known about activities of this entity. Due to use of unique archive materials (retrieved from the Academy of sciences archive and its Saint-Petersburg branch) the author succeeded in tracing genesis of principal ideological constructs of Stalinism. The author focuses on minutes and verbatim of presentations delivered by the Society’s members at the First All-Union congress of Marxists supporters of the statehood and at the First All-Union plenum of the Societies of Marxists-supporters of statehood societies.

The «Personality Cult» Issue in March of 1953

Words about inadmissibility of «personality cult» for the first time were pronounced on the second day after burial of I.V.Stalin. These words were pronounced by G.M.Malenkov. Yet these words were not directly referred to Stalin. If one proceeds from the primary intention of the CC of CPSU secretary P.N.Pospelov's memorandum where the CC of CPSU Presidium meeting held on March 10, 1953, was mentioned then it is obvious that this meeting was in no way connected with Stalin’s name. The key idea of the speech G.M.Malenkov delivered to journalists was simple. To none of three top leaders of the Soviet Union, members of the CC of CPSU Presidium G.M.Malenkov, L.P.Beria, and V.M.Molotov, should not be given any preponderance. The leadership should be collective. However even after the July Plenum of the CC of CPSU Presidium (at this forum G.M.Malenkov for the first time made the direct statement that there had been «the cult of Stalin’s personality») no public exposure of Stalin’s activities followed. Such campaign was impossible due to the only reason: criticism of Stalin expressed at the CC Plenum was allowed only to the top Party officials and only at the closed Party events. For all the rest and for the Soviet society as a whole the topical campaign of «the harmful cult of personality» exposure was reserved. This campaign of veneration of the great personality despite the fact that the true creator of history is the people ran on until N.S.Khruschev's secret report to the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

How the Nuclear Disarmament had been Started

The article is devoted to description and estimates of the situation why and how N.S.Khrushchev had made the decision to begin nuclear disarmament starting wit the nuclear test ban. Simultaneously the author analyses the reaction of Washington on this Soviet decision. Mutual suspicions were very high at that time but nevertheless the first negotiations had started in Geneva where not only diplomats but famous nuclear scientists were participated. This was the first step to nuclear disarmament. The author who was the witness of these events writing in details and making a systematic and holistic analysis why and how it had happened.

Professor Schlesinger’s Journals, 1952–2000 as a Source of the Cold War History

From the ending of the Second World War in 1945 and his first close contacts with Democratic party leadership circles in the early 1950s through his years of participation in the Stevenson campaigns and Kennedy administration and up until his very last days in the beginning of 2000's the famous American historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. was always at the vital center of American politics and public life. For more than half a century the world known author of many fundamental books on American history and politics recorded his everyday experiences and reflections in journals that together form an intimate chronicle of life and events in the USA and outside world. The unique volume contains his candid impressions of events both in American domestic life and foreign affairs from the Berlin crisis and the Bay of Pigs to the fall of the Soviet Union and the contest of Bush vs. Gore during the election of 2000. The author of the article focuses on selected points of Schlesinger’s Journals which important for understanding the politics of the last decades.

June 22, 1941: Western Democracies’ Reaction and Czecho-Slovakian Resonance

The author deals with a wide rage of issues: development of «the march on East» plans by Hitler; secret preparations to aggression against the USSR; disinformation campaign carried on by the Nazi propaganda, Moscow’s attitude to information about the forthcoming German aggression; aspiration to procrastinate the war due to the USSR’s unwillingness to military collision; British and American statesmen’s reaction to Germany’s next aggression; mixed attitudes of the British and American public; E. Benes' perception of German aggression against the USSR and his hopes on the defeat of Germany and restoration of Czechoslovakia. The author also examines appraisal of June 22 by Colonel Pika, the head of Czechoslovakian military mission in Moscow, and his suggestions to start Soviet-Czechoslovakian cooperation in military and political spheres; moods of Czechoslovakian legionaries in Suzdal camp for military internees; impact of struggle on the Eastern front on the domestic situation in Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia; perception of the Soviet-German war beginning by the Slovakian ruling circles; Slovakia’s break of diplomatic relations with the USSR; dispatch of the Slovakian troops to the Soviet-German front. The article is based on the published documents, memoirs, archival materials, scientific literature.
The author tracks the development of conceptual basis of the Russian empire’s political parties study. Over the past 15 years an impressive progress in study of the Russian political parties has been achieved: full scale serial publication is going on, monographs dedicated to individual parties have been written, and several general works that allow characterize the system of political parties have been published. However understanding of enormous volume of accumulated material is impeded by an inadequate attention to methodological issues. On one hand, historians and specialists in history of parties perform their studies in insulation from each other. Interdisciplinary studies are the pressing need. On the other hand, conceptual results produced by the Russian scientists and political figures of the early 20th century are left behind though these results deserve attention and scrutiny.

Evgeni Preobrazhensky: the Bolshevik of the Clerical Origin

The article is devoted to one of the Bolshevik leaders, prominent economist, theorist of the Left opposition within the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks in the 1920s Evgeni Alekseevich Preobrazhenski (1886−1937). Virtually forgotten in the present day Russia Preobrazhenski is widely known in the West as the person who co-authored «The ABC of Communism» with N.I.Bukharin, creator of «the original Socialist accumulation» concept and of a number of innovative works («The New Economics», «The theory of the falling currency», «The sunset of the capitalism» and others). E.A.Preobrazhenski is considered as the «ideal type» of the Russian revolutionary of the clerical ancestry (according to L. Heimson's typology). The author investigates reasons, motives, and main stages of an Orthodox priest’s son conversion in a revolutionary Bolshevik and some aspects of the Orthodox Christianity and Marxism problem. The article is a magazine variant of the preface and the first chapter of the monograph on E.A.Preobrazhenski's social and political activities and proceedings (at the present time the author is still working on the monograph, which is dedicated to the 125th anniversary of Preobrazhenski' birth).

Law and Reality. «Regulation on Naval QualificationRequirement for the Naval Officers» of 1885

The article is devoted to the problem of Russian reforms at the turn of the 19th and the early 20th centuries. The reform of naval officers' promotion to higher ranks (its principal points were presented in the «Regulation on naval qualification requirement for the Naval officers» of 1885) is in focus of the author. The author reveals mechanisms that distort innovative ideas and integrate them into the existing system losing their novelty and efficiency in result of such adaptation. The author demonstrates peculiarities of the Russian Navy officers' service during the period of the Regulation operation, analyzing the documents of the Ministry of the Navy (1885−1907)

Evgeni Preobrazhensky: the Bolshevik of the Clerical Origin (the end)

The author deals with views of E.A.Preobrazhensky, one of the Bolsheviks' leaders, on the genesis of the Soviet bureaucratic ways and styles, red-tape, and measures needed for the overcoming of the red-tape, and on reasons of the Soviet power’s bureaucratic degeneration. The author notes that, according to Preobrazhensky’s conception, the bureaucracy dominance was a regular result of the state (non-commodity) Socialism, the effect of the centralized economy and not a result of cultural and historical backwardness of Russia as, for instance, V.I.Lenin supposed. According to Preobrazhensky, the basic character of the red-tape required unprecedented efforts the Russian Communist Party had to employ in order to neutralize this phenomenon. Preobrazhensky called for the following measures: membership in the Party had to bring no economic advantages, penalties for misdeeds committed by the Party members should be more though than penalties for similar misdeeds committed by other citizens etc.

Which Parties were in the Russian Empire?

The authors runs back the process of political parties genesis in the Russian empire, defines the chronological limits of the process and its stages. The author shows that Russia had a rich experience of political struggle rooted in the very ancient times and supposes that it is inaccurate to maintain that the genesis of Russian parties considerably lagged behind the similar process in the West. The thesis that parties emerged first in the national periphery of the empire is also incorrect. On the contrary, it was the national center (and the imperial capital) that gave examples of party building. Socialist organizations that at the early stages of genesis outraced conservative and liberal formations by pace of development, yet finally completed their emergence later than liberal and conservative parties. That corresponds with the world practice. Having selected formed parties according the characteristics stipulated in the article the author obtains data on parties' memberships that are more modest than data usually mentioned in the historic literature. The selected parties are classified according to territorial-national and doctrinal criteria.

Russian-Japanese War in the Perception of Russia’s Peasantry

The issues concerning sources of information about events in the Far East and the attitude of peasantry towards these events are discussed in the article. The war affected peasantry by way of conscription of reservists and recruits. It was not the war that was the initial cause of hardships of the rural population, but it did aggravate socio-economic problems. Information about Russia-Japan war basically reached peasants through popular prints and verbal communications. The latter were of two kinds — pro-Government (disseminated through clergy) and anti-Government (spread by «intelligent people»). Peasants displayed certain interest towards war events, but this interest was of negative nature. They criticized and refuted existent rules, called upon reservists and recruits not to go for a war and appealed to their fellow villagers to avoid any war donations, to refuse paying duties and taxes. Part of them collaborated with revolutionary propagandists and agitators. The revolution, that ensued, sent the unsuccessful war into shadows, and peace agreement did not help to pacify the people.

ЭEthnicization of Stalinism? «National» and «Kulak» Operations of the NKVD: Comparative Aspect

According to the thesis of ‘Ethnicization' of Stalinism, the regime considered ‘enemy' ethnic groups as its main enemies in the 1930−1940s. The study of ‘German operation' 1937−1938 in Western Siberia allows to put the certainty of this interpretation to doubt. The comparison of ‘ethnic' cleansings and NKVD campaign under the order № 447 (‘kulak operation') gives the key to understanding the peculiarities of the former. The criteria of the social past life was determinative in choosing a person as a victim of ‘ethnic' cleansing.

Echo of the Moscow Fight: Strategic Situation and Plans of the Sides in the Spring of 1942

The article deals with results and consequences of the first solving fight of the Great Patriotic War — to the battle for Moscow, tragic and heroic pages of one of the key moments of our history. The material demonstrates the plans of the German command and emergency measures of the Soviet leadership to increase of fighting capacity of Red army at the beginning of 1942. On the basis of the known and recently opened documents the potential of warring sides, world situation of the USSR, an assessment of its possibilities from allies are considered. The attention is given to a morale of the Soviet armed forces on the eve of new titanic fights with Wehrmacht.

Dynastic Policy of Austria, Prussia and Russia in XVIII Century: Comparative Historical Analysis

This article deals with comparative analysis of dynastic policy of Austria, Prussia and Russia in XVIII century. Author attempts to answer the question which role does it play in political, economic and cultural life of Central, East and North Europe during the Age of Enlightenment. In this article effectiveness of dynastic strategies for achievement of foreign-policy goals of European countries is studied, typology of dynastic matrimony is given, and so on.

The Fatherland’s Sons: On Shaping of the Decembrist Ideology

The article is devoted to study of social and political views common to members of the Russian officers corpus. Officers' attitude toward the Emperor and peasants is investigated on the basis of the Fatherland and the Fatherland’s son notions semantics analysis. Change of these views in the post-war period (1814−1825) is traced. It is demonstrated that under the impact of wars waged in 1812−1814 this postulate transformed: the Emperor quitted to be associated with a son of the Fatherland while, on the contrary, officers started to perceive peasants as sons of the Fatherland. It is this transformation where origins of the Decembrist ideology are discovered.

Images of the French Revolution in the 19th Century Russian Social and Political Thought

There are many testimonies that allow us to speak of emotional and deep perception of the French revolution events by several generations of Russian people. Values, system of images and symbols begot by the French revolution served as a «guide» of a kind to the future that dazzled and at the same time scared. Having put a clear-cut line between conservatives and radicals discussions on the optimal way of the West European norms adoption brought about formation of the «Russian idea» and contention that Russia needed a peculiar civilization. One line expressed itself in the Orthodox and monarchic ideal where the Enlightenment principles were connected with motives of national identity (formula «Liberty, Equality, Brotherhood» was replaced with triad «Orthodoxy, Autocracy, national authenticity»). The other line was an alloy of the European Socialism and ideals of communality that were focused on the ancient communal way of life. The intelligentsia associated the way to the bright future with results of its own activity. The Russian people just had to accept the results of choice made by the intelligentsia.

«Looking at the 1812 Campaign with a Historian’s Eyes». A.A.Kornilov and M.M.Kovalevskiy about 1812 War

The author notes an interrelation between scientific views of A.A.Kornilov and M.M.Kovalevski and their political stance as centrist liberals. The peculiar trait of the centrist concept of Russia reorganization is the substantiation of necessity to retain the historical continuity in the process of transformation. Ideologues of liberal centrism shared the understanding of danger that was result of their general approach to history and their refusal to put up with falsification of history. The article reflects position taken by Kornilov and Kovalevski on a range of issues that moved in the focus of public attention due to celebration of the 100th anniversary of the Patriotic War of 1812. These issues included appraisal of Alexander I personality and policies, appraisal of M.M.Speranski's activities, the Continental Blockade’s consequences for Russia, impact of events occurred between the Treaties of Tilsit and Napoleon’s army invasion into Russia on results of the Patriotic War of 1812 and the impact of this war on public thought development, preparation to abolition of the serfdom and its actual abolition.

On Preconditions of Stalin’s Collectivization

The author analyzes preconditions of the Soviet collectivization as a process of the Western style modernization along the lines of American agrarian-industrial enterprises that emerged in the1920s. Application of the most advanced machines (not just field engines but also combined harvesters invented at that times) lied at the bottom of these enterprises. The Soviet leaders perceived harvesters as a fundamental innovation that would prove advantages of collective farms and permit to send some 15 million redundant people from countryside to construction sites.

History of the Russian Mlitary Education in the Early 19th Century Revisited: К.Th.Ryleev’s School Years in the First Cadet Corps

The article deals with history of military education in the early 19th century Russia and, in the first place, with the history of the First cadet corps. The author focuses her attention on the period when K.Th.Ryleev, famous Russian poet attended the corps. The system of military and other disciplines learning that was introduced in the corps and morals that prevailed in the corps are studied. The mentioned features emerged, in many respects, due to personal traits of tutors who undoubtedly had an influence on their students. Besides that, the author investigates the corps' department for minors where Ryleev also spent several years and attempts to define the circle of cadet friends of the future revolutionary and analyze his first verses written in the cadet corps.

«Political Harlequin» and| the Anglo-Russian Alliance. On the Formationof the 6th Anti-Napoleonic Coalition

The issue describes the problems of the Sixth anti-Napoleonic coalition, Russian-British and British-Austrian relations during campaign of 1813. The article disproves an opinion that Britain had always supported Austria since as early as 1813. Austria was viewed with deеp distrust in England and Castlereagh did not intend to follow the main waterway of Austrian policy in 1813. It was Russia that has been seen by Castlereagh as a main and most important ally. When Castlereagh emerged in the Foreign Office in 1812, an opportunity to get closer and overcome the mutual distrust occurred for both Russia and Britain. But Russian-British alliance (proposed by Castlereagh in the beginning of 1813) did not work in 1813 and Castlereagh found support with Metternich instead of Russian Emperor. The article describes the personal relationships between the ambassadors which, as the experience of the talks in 1813 specifically illustrated, and as it will be shown below, were very important and sometimes decisive for Europe.

The German Defeat in Stalingrad: the Reactions of German Society and the Nazi State

The article sketches the consequences of the German defeat in Stalingrad inside the Third Reich. The German population, inadequately informed by state controlled media until the very last phase of the battle, went into a state of shock. While political opponents of Hitler’s dictatorship drew hope from its loss of popularity, the regime tried to overcome the critical situation by means of propagating «total war», which meant first of all radicalizing its criminal methods of suppression and enslavement.

«The power bereft of popular support is nothing». The Provincial Government Reform of Catherine II in Sermons Delivered at the Opening of Vicegerencies Events

The author analyzes principal strategies the Church hierarchs of the Catherine the Great reign employed at the ceremonies of vicegerency openings for substantiation of the provincial governance reform as well as for explanation of ideas related to the role of justice and court bodies in life of the society and the state. A sermon is considered as an effective instrument that allowed providing information about domestic and foreign policies actions of the supreme power. Though the principal aim of a sermon had to be spiritual instruction on the execution of Christian virtues by the flock, the civic function of s sermon, i.e. conveying of the state ideology and its fastening in conscience of the Russian sovereign subjects of various standings was increasing in a quite visible way.

A Contribution to the History of the Early 19th Century Russian Army: K.Th.Ryleev at the Military Service

The authors deal with the situation in the Russian army after the Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of 1813 and 1814. Relations in mass of army officers are examined on the example of K. Th. Ryleev, the poet and conspirator, service activities. The authors reconstruct the circle of the army officers' interests and their attitude to the military service and come to the conclusion that the post-war officers' service could not meet aspirations of young gentlemen to the full in the later years of Alexander I reign.

Socialist-Revolutionary in the Service of Kolchak. M.A.Atmakin: Governor of Irbitskii Uezd during 1918–1919

This article is devoted to the biography of Markel Atmakin, socialist-revolutionary and journalist, who was governor of Irbitskii uezd in 1918−1919. The article is focusing on activity of Atmakin during the period of Russian Civil war. With use of various archival documents, the background of conflicts between civil and military authorities of Kolchak regime is described in the article. According to the author’s opinion, such conflicts bring the White movement in the East of Russia to defeat.

A Bad Peace is Better than a Good Quarrel: The Alliance of G.V.Plekhanov with A.N.Potresov for the Sake of Defense During the World War I

In the article there is a detailed analysis of an event in beginning of the ХХ century of the conflict between «the father of Russian marxism» and the founder of the Russian social democracy G.V.Plekhanov with one of leaders of the Russian Menshevism — A.N.Potresov, and also overcoming of this conflict in 1917−1918 on the basis of divided both figures of a «defensist» platform in relation to the First world war contains. A reconciliation between these leaders promoted to the formation during this period of «defensist» alliance in structure of Plekhanov, Potresov and their adherents.

A Struggle for «Eternal Peace» in the Years of the World War I: the Bolsheviks against the «Democrats»

The author considers the fact that in the years of the First World War, contrary to the old view, the struggle was not only for the new territories, but also for the establishment of the «eternal» peace of the world. Being an active participant in this struggle, the Bolsheviks defended the «socialist» model of the world in the ideological confrontation, mainly, with the adherents of the «democratic» model, which included not only liberals, but also many representatives of the international social democratic movement. However, in recent years this activity of the Bolsheviks is often ignored, it helps to wrench the picture of past and to one-side explanation of the world wars history.

Abdication of Nicholas II and Mikhail Aleksandrovich: Legal Validity of the Romanovs’ Last Manifests

The article is devoted to the questions of compliance of the act of the Emperor Nicholas II dated the 2nd March 1917 about abdication and the act of the Grand duke Mikhail Aleksandrovich dated the 3rd March 1917 about refusal from the Throne to the norms of State law of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the theory and practice of rules of a succession in Russia since the time of Ivan IV to Nicholas II is presented. A particular attention is paid to the rules of succession established by Peter I and Paul I. A question of status of the Russian Emperor according to the Fundamental laws of the Russian Empire is partially investigated. A detailed analysis of the acts of Nicholas II and Mikhail regarding their compliance to the imperial legislation is given; an attempt to show a role of these documents in discredit of ideology of the Russian monarchy is done.

World War I in Human Dimension: Power and Society

For Russia World War I turned out to be not just a precursor but also a powerful detonator of fateful events of 1917. The tenth wave of revolutionary impulse generated by hardships of those ragged years did not stop upon destruction of the autocracy’s fundamentals that had seemed hard and fast just a few years ago. The impulse went much further and smashed down age-old fundamentals, traditional order of the state and popular life. And resulted in another war, even more fearful and bloody civil war. A century after beginning of these earthshaking events that shattered the whole country and the whole world we are bound to revisit them and to understand them in the perspective of the present-day problems and challenges. To do that we have, in the first place, call from not-being, to revive, hear and perceive adequately voices of people who had endured hardships and consequences of that war now commonly called «the forgotten war».

Abdication of Nicholas II and Mikhail Aleksandrovich: Legal Validity of the Romanovs’ Last Manifests (the end)

The article is devoted to the questions of compliance of the act of the Emperor Nicholas II dated the 2nd March 1917 about abdication and the act of the Grand duke Mikhail Aleksandrovich dated the 3rd March 1917 about refusal from the Throne to the norms of State law of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the theory and practice of rules of a succession in Russia since the time of Ivan IV to Nicholas II is presented. A particular attention is paid to the rules of succession established by Peter I and Paul I. A question of status of the Russian Emperor according to the Fundamental laws of the Russian Empire is partially investigated. A detailed analysis of the acts of Nicholas II and Mikhail regarding their compliance to the imperial legislation is given; an attempt to show a role of these documents in discredit of ideology of the Russian monarchy is done.

Nomadic and Meshochnicheskaya Russia : the Survival of the Russian Population in the Catastrophe of Civil War

During the Civil War and the Russian Time of Troubles there was a revival of nomadic consciousness inherent in Russian ethnicity. In stable times it was receding into the background and gradually becoming obsolete. However, it showed its true worth in an extreme situation. That very circumstance played a crucial role in the survival of the Russian population. A significant part of population moved on and became nomads. In this regard, the author relates this large-scale phenomenon to Russian bag people, or meshochnics. Millions of them were essentially nomads. The Soviet state declared war on them, generally for ideological reasons. The bag people movement became illegal. Having started the fight against the state, they met and overcame countless difficulties on their nomadic way. Ultimately, Russian nomads and bag people forced Bolsheviks to compromise.

Preobrazhensky' «Dissent: Relationships of a Scientist and the Authorities»

The unique practice of the New Economic Policy that forced to transfer asearch of the oretical and practical solutions in the capitalist plane in the processes of the Socialist society building was accompanied by the Russian Soviet economic science take-off. Complex researches of theoretical and applied nature undertaken by the brilliant constellation of the Soviet economists of the 1920s could in perspective amount the foundation of the mixed economy of the transitory period in the backward in industrial terms peasant country. Less than in 30 years a number of studies will be acknowledged as outstanding achievements of the global economic thought. Involvement of new archive documents in the scientific turnover and understanding of materials that had been published earlier allowed reconstruction of history of the conflict that occurred between scientist and statesman E.A.Preobrazhensky and the authorities. Significance of the theme suggested consists in problem of confrontation between conceptual priorities of innovative economic models and conceptual priorities aimed at maintaining of political regime and retention of political power. And this problem has not lost its topicality even now.

Through the Carpatians to Slovakia: in Commemoration of the 70th Anniversary of the Slovakian National Uprising and of the Carpathian-Doukla Operation of the Red Army

The article is dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the Slovakian national uprising (August 29 — October 28, 1944) and of the Carpathian- Doukla operation of the Red Army (September 8 — October 28, 1944) that was carried out due to political reasons in order to assist the uprising. The operation was prepared in the shortest terms and was carried out in the most difficult conditions. The operation led to enormous losses. The 1st Czechoslovakian army corps formed on the USSR took part in the operation together with the Red Army. On October 6 the Soviet and Czechoslovakian troops conquered the Doukla pass in the Carpathian ridge and reached the prewar Czechoslovakian border. The author demonstrates variety of the operation’s assessments in the recent Czech and Slovakian historiography. The article is based on archive and published documents, memoirs of the generals and literature available to the author.

Prehistory and Epilogue of the Tragedy: the Act of Terrorism in Berlin on March 28th 1922

The author draws attention to an event that, in his opinion, became a milestone and in some way completed the process of growing discord among the Russian intelligentsia. On the 28th of March, 1922 young monarchist emigrants killed the leader of the Cadet party V. Nabokov in the Berlin Philharmonic Hall. Since early XX Vladimir Dmitrievich and his associates had been guided by the liberal utopia, which was unacceptable for Russia at that time, and launched an offensive against the domestic monarchy. The ideology of the latter also became an utopia in terms of modernization; still the state continued to symbolize the stability capable of evolving. Meanwhile, liberals managed to undermine the authority of the political system. This resulted in a revolution, the Russian Time of Troubles and the rise to power of a new utopian group — Bolsheviks. Vladimir Nabokov experienced disillusionment and became an emigrant. He was shot by the conspirators, whose psychology and ideology were defined by the sovereign utopia and monarchical exaltation. The author believes that the fierce oppositions between collectives inspired by social utopias often became the dominant of domestic development.

E.A.Preobrazhenskiy' «Dissent»: Relationships of a Scientist and the Authorities (the end)

The unique practice of the New Economic Policy that forced to transfer a search of theoretical and practical solutions in the capitalist plane in the processes of the Socialist society building was accompanied by the Russian Soviet economic science take-off. Complex researches of theoretical and applied nature undertaken by the brilliant constellation of the Soviet economists of the 1920s could in perspective amount the foundation of the mixed economy of the transitory period in the backward in industrial terms peasant country. Less than in 30 years a number of studies will be acknowledged as outstanding achievements of the global economic thought. Involvement of new archive documents in the scientific turnover and understanding of materials that had been published earlier allowed reconstruction of history of the conflict that occurred between scientist and statesman E.A.Preobrazhensky and the authorities. Significance of the theme suggested consists in problem of confrontation between conceptual priorities of innovative economic models and conceptual priorities aimed at maintaining of political regime and retention of political power. And this problem has not lost its topicality even now.

Realities of the Civil War: New Materials and Traits to the Portrait of Stanislaw Bulak-Balakhovich

The World War I changed the geopolitical picture of the post-war Europe and encouraged emergence of extraordinary personalities. Stanislaw Bulak-Balakhovich, a guerilla warrior, adventurer, lucky and successful army commander, can be described as one of such figures. War experience he obtained at the frontlines and personal qualities ensured that he was welcomed in armies of several states, including the Russian Empire, the Soviet Russia, Estonia, and Poland. Bulak-Balakhovich made his way from the rank of captain of horses in the Russian Imperial army to the rank of the Polish Republic army general rapidly. He was decorated with Virtuti Militari, the highest Polish order. His attempts to create Belorussian detachments (army) failed because the Polish leaders vigorously suppressed any expression of national self-consciousness on territory under their control. After the Soviet-Polish war ended and the self-contained march to Belorussia failed Bulak-Balakhovich resided in Poland down to the World War II beginning and collaborated with the Polish military command (intelligence and counterintelligence).

Anschluss, Munich, Poland: the United States Press and the Threat of War 1938–1939 Years

Based on the materials from the US press the article explores special aspect of the period of international crisis 1938−1939. The American society in 1920−1930s had two tendencies in respect to the threat of war: «isolationists» on one hand, and «internationalists» on the other hand. Central and local newspapers provide a vivid description of society’s reaction to crisis moments in the international relations in 1938−1939.
The magazine publishes materials of the conference held in October, 2013, at the Department of philology of the Lomonosov Moscow State University. The conference was dedicated to one of the most ancient monuments of the Russian literature, The Primary Chronicle. It is the most ancient code of the Russian history. It contains the most important mythologemes and ideologemes of the East European past. Participants of the conference focused of issues of hermeneutics, the text’s integrity and origins of The Primary Chronicle. The significance of the monument is not limited to narrow professional interests of medievalists. For The Primary Chronicle was intended to provide the answer to the question: «Wherefrom the Russian land has emerged?»

On the Pre-History of the Nineteenth Century Caucasian War

Does the Caucasus War belong to the nineteenth century, or, if otherwise, which time could this phenomenon be attributed to? Has this dispute any scholarly importance, or is it just a complex interplay between the nowadays politics and ideology? Is there any methodological sense in retrospective reflections on the alternative routes of Russia-Caucasus history? Let us soberly think over these questions with timid hope to get closer to some feasible solution.

Aircraft Industry on the Eve and During the Great Patriotic War: under Stalin Hand of a Rigid

In many ways the USSR won the war against Nazi Germany (the war became the first global war of engines) due to the fact that the country had a powerful aircraft industry that was in the process of dynamic development. That is why it is so important to reconstruct the process of organizational consolidation and scientific and technological modernization of the aircraft industry in the tense international situation of the late 1930s and the industry’s subsequent functioning in the extreme circumstances of the wartime. That should be done with all known historical facts taken into account and with no prejudice and no bias. The author has tried to do exactly that. In his attempt the author undertook, perhaps, for the first time, a study of a controversial role I.V.Stalin played in management of the Russian aircraft industry on the eve of the Great Patriotic War and during the war. Readers are free to judge whether the author succeeded or failed in solution of this very complicated task.

In Balta Town Underground, 1941–1944. Documentary Essay

Personal recollections, notes made by comrades in the partisan underground, documentary materials on lives and struggle of people on the territory which was occupied by the German and Rumanian invaders form the core of the essay. For nearly 3 years of harsh occupational regime a big underground and partisan organization that existed in vicinity of Balta town, Odessa region, delivered blows to enemy’s rear area. Unknown hitherto facts about heroic and sometimes tragic events of that time, about defeats and victories of partisans and underground fighters are narrated.

Literature and Men of Letters in the First Russian Magazine

The author deals with the first Russian semi-popular magazine ‘Monthly essays serving to utility and entertainment' (1755−1764). The literary section was one of the most solid parts of the magazine. The magazine reflected events of the epoch’s literary life: literary polemic debates, personal relations of men of letters, European ‘polite literature' works' penetration into Russia etc.

«We All are Do-or-Die Heroes Here…». Phenomenon of the Soviet Society Social Mobility in Light of Its Elevation (1920−1930)

Heroism was and remains to be one of the most effective tools of Communist regime legitimization. At the same time creation of heroes was an effective tool of the Soviet elites formation. Rise of «heroic» quasi-social layer of population became the most pronounced example of social mobility in the Soviet society. The author traces genesis of this phenomenon from the cult of fallen heroes of the revolution and civil war through the «post-heroic» «New Economic Policy» period up to «the time of heroes» of the second half of the 1930s. This later period was marked with a hero’s image functionality. A particular attention is paid to the role of the «heroic» narrative.
The attempt by the new Soviet leadership in 1965 to increase all forms of censorship and other repressive measures created opposition among many intellectuals which developed into «dissident movement». To suppress this dissent the KGB started to use different repressive measures, including the pressure to emigrate, deprivation of some dissidents of Soviet citizenship with confiscation of their passports and the deportation. Zhores Medvedev, biologist, was deprived his Soviet citizenship in July 1973 while officially arranged research trip to London. In his Memoirs «Dangerous profession», extracts of which are published here, he describes some episodes of his first year as an exile and the problems of some other dissidents, in this story Mstislav Rostropovich and Alexander Solzhenitsyn forced out of the USSR in 1974.

«A Magazine for Military Educational Institutions Students Reading»: Glimpses of Journalism for Children

The article deals with a specialized magazine for children. The magazine was intended for students of military educational institutions of the Russian Empire. The purpose of the magazine determined its contents, circle of authors and general ideological trend of the magazine.

Luxury. Crisis. State. The State Regulation of the Russian Luxury Market during the Crisis of 1916–1917

The article considers the regulatory activities of the Russian government in the luxury market during the World War I and February Revolution. This research is focused on the price formation and speculations in the Russian consumer market. The article contains analysis of the Russian tax system under the extreme conditions of the war time. The author has revealed new historical sources. This research contains multidisciplinary approach (social, historical and economical science). The further research of the respective topics may lead to significant scientific achievements.

A Dangerous Profession (to be continued)

During September and October 1974 the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations under the chairmanship of Senator J.W.Fulbright organised the open «Hearings» on «Détente» and the awarding the Soviet Union «The Most Favoured Nation» status in trade and the Jackson amendment attached to it. This Amendment linked the MFN status to free emigration of Soviet Jews to Israel. At the same time the new Trade agreement was also linked to the ratification of Agreements on the mutual reduction of strategic weapons (SALT-1) signed by Brezhnev and Nixon in 1972. Zhores Medvedev was invited to participate and in his Statement before the Committee on October 8th insisted that the Senate approval of «Jackson amendment» which was unacceptable to Soviet leadership might ruin not only the Trade agreement, but also the whole détente, SALT-1 and create new restrictions for emigration from the Soviet Union.

«We Need Orders and Distinctions…». Role of Awards in the Soviet Identity Formation

The article deals with role of awards in formation of the Stalin’s period «new man» formation. The article is based on authentic personal documents of the second half of the 1930s that are introduced into scientific turnover for the first time. Giving an answer to the question on causes of high ascendant social mobility of the Soviet society the author comes to the conclusion that the positive identity of «homo heroicus» which, to a large extent, was being formed due to belonging to the «award bearers» community. The author pays the particular attention to transition of the Soviet award system from awards granted to the elite to mass awards.

A Dangerous Profession (to be continued)

My report at the «Hearing» of the US Senate Foreign Affairs Committee on «Jackson Amendment» on October 8th 1974 produced an «Open Letter by Lidya Chukovskaya and Lev Kopelev to Zhores Medvedev» which was broadcasted by foreign radios. Both authors criticised me for negative attitude on awarding The Nobel Peace Prize to Andrey Sakharov. This criticism was based on false information. In November 1974 I was appointed as Senior Reserch Scientist of the National Institute of Medical Research and was able to resume my study of biochemistry of ageing. In 1974 Vladimir Maximov and Solzhenitsyn founded a new literary-political journal «KONTINENT». Attention of western press in December of 1974 was also attracted by the ceremony of the presentation of Nobel Prize for Literature to Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

Gustav Husak: Slovakia, Czechoslovakia, the USSR. A Glance from 1945 and not Only Just That

The author relates her personal acquaintance with Husak that took place after rehabilitation of Husak and his exoneration from accusation in the «bourgeois nationalism» considers circumstances of Husak' appearance in Moscow in early 1945, analyzes documents prepared by Husak and connected with the Slovakian national uprising and situation in Slovakia. The author also describes the second visit of Husak to Moscow in March, 1945, for discussion of the program advanced by Czechoslovakian government which had been formed in the USSR, and presents Husak’s opinion in respect of state and legal construction of the post-war Czechoslovakia and of condition of Slovakia in Czechoslovak Republic after its restoration and demonstrates Husak’s attitude to the USSR.
The appearance in 1974−1975 some new anti-socialist and religious journals of Soviet emigration stimulated the creation by Roy Medvedev a new samizdat journal «XXth Century» in Moscow with socialist-democratic orientation. Collections of essays and literary stories from this journals were published also abroad in Russian, English, French, German and other languages. One of the authors of this journal was Michail Yakubovich active participant of Russian revolution who knew well its main leaders. Memoirs of Yakubovich about his arrest and interrogation with the use of torture were included by Alexander Solzhenitsyn into his epic «Gulag Archipelago», however with many distortions and falsifications of Yakubovich case. It is described in this essay how it became possible to force Solzhenitsyn to make necessary corrections in the text of the first Soviet edition of his work pablished in «Novy Mir» in 1989.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть I

В настоящей статье, первой из серии, посвященной дипломатии Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов, прослеживается ход подготовки Карловицкого конгресса, где предстояли сложнейшие переговоры о мире между Священной лигой (Австрия, Венеция, Польша, Россия) и Османской империей. Острые разногласия внутри лагеря союзников придали этому процессу мучительный и непредсказуемый характер.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть II

Во второй части статьи рассматриваются острые перипетии дипломатической борьбы в условиях формально начавшегося Карловицкого конгресса. Прокопий Возницын, скованный отсутствием подробных инструкций Петра, вынужден импровизировать на свой страх и риск. Но благодаря богатому профессиональному опыту и житейской интуиции ему удается избежать ловушек, расставленных австрийскими, английскими и голландскими дипломатами.

Перестройка до основания

Лишение КПСС монополии на власть стимулировало процесс распада СССР по национально-этничеcким границам. Однако проведенный референдум в марте 1991 года подтвердил желание большинства населения сохранения Советского Союза. В июле 1991 года Горбачев срочной поездкой в Лондон предпринял неудачную попытку добиться массивной финансовой поддержки Запада в реформировании экономики СССР. Отсутствие финансовых ресурсов для экономических реформ привели Горбачева и Ельцина к необходимости радикальных политических преобразований путем предоставления каждой республике политической, экономической и финансовой независимости. Разработанный для этого проект преобразования СССР в Союз Суверенных Республик отменял Конституцию СССР.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть III

Третья часть статьи посвящена официальным русско-турецким переговорам в Карловице, которые начались 9 ноября 1698 года. Они проходили крайне трудно, постоянно наталкиваясь на препятствия, возводимые османской делегацией, во многом поддерживаемой австрийцами, англичанами, голландцами. В центре дискуссии была проблема толкования международно-правового принципа uti possidetis, положенного в основу работы Карловицкого конгресса. Автор анализирует аргументацию сторон с точки зрения ее конструктивного или деструктивного потенциала, выясняя также степень убедительности предъявляемый доводов.

Перестройка до основания (продолжение)

Государственный комитет по чрезвычайному положению (ГКЧП) не был создан для захвата власти в стране. Он, напротив, стремился к сохранению СССР и его Конституции. «Переворотом» оказался переход власти в Советском Союзе от правительства СССР к правительству РСФСР и от президента СССР Горбачева к президенту РСФСР Ельцину. Поскольку власть Ельцина не распространялась на союзные республики, республиканские Верховные Советы тоже объявляли их независимость. Функции правительства СССР, многие члены которого были арестованы, перешли в правительству РСФСР, которое не обладало инфраструктурой для управления всеми отраслями экономики, внешней торговлей и Госбанком СССР. Президент СССР Горбачев, восстановленный в должности главы государства, не смог возвратить своих полномочий и сформировать новое правительство. Для руководства страной был создан неконституционный «Государственный Совет», состоявший из лидеров десяти республик. Именно Госсовет принял решение о предоставлении полной независимости прибалтийским республикам, Эстонии, Латвии и Литве, присоединение которых к СССР в 1939 году определялось стратегическими приоритетами начавшейся в Европе Второй Мировой войны.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть IV

В четвертой части статьи речь идет о продолжении бескомпромиссного спора между русскими и турецкими делегатами Карловицкого конгресса. Стороны пытаются нащупать новые способы принудить соперника к уступкам. Прокопий Возницын употреблял весь свой опыт и всю свою изобретательность, чтобы выяснить, где та черта, за которую турки не отойдут. Тем же занимались его оппоненты, опираясь на тайную и явную поддержку англо-голландских посредников. Это и облегчало и затрудняло поиски путей выхода из дипломатического тупика.

Перестройка до основания (продолжение)

Придя к власти после поражения ГКЧП, Ельцин издал указ, прекративший выход основных центральных газет. Сохранилась лишь «Известия», осуществив преобразование из государственной в акционерную газету. Верховный Совет Украины, переименованный в Верховную Раду, объявил полную независимость республики и назначил референдум о выходе из состава СССР. Аналогичные решения принимались и в других советских республиках. Эти решения разрушали единую экономическую структуру СССР и затрудняли работу крупных промышленных предприятий, прежде всего военных, атомных и космических. Запрет деятельности КПСС и КПРФ привел к созданию новых коммунистических и социалистических партий. Одной из них стала Социалистическая партия трудящихся, идейным лидером которой был Р.Медведев. Все члены ГКЧП и Председатель Верховного Совета СССР А.Лукьянов были арестованы. Однако обвинения против них не были юридически сформулированы. СССР существовал, и М.Горбачев сохранял пост его президента. Наиболее острой оказалась проблема выплаты государственных валютных долгов. Референдум на Украине, подтвердивший ее независимость, стал первым актом полного распада СССР.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть V

К началу декабря 1697 года казалось, что вымотанные острейшими дипломатическими схватками и несносными природными условиями участники Карловицкого конгресса все же принудят себя к какому-то компромиссу. Но это была лишь иллюзия. Во многом благодаря твердой позиции Возницына и его умению играть на разногласиях союзников борьба неожиданно разгорелась с новой силой, создавая ситуацию, когда могло случиться всякое из прежде маловероятного.

Перестройка до основания (продолжение)

В начале декабря 1991 года КГБ было реорганизовано в Межреспубликанскую службу безопасности, председателем которой стал Вадим Бакатин. Он передал, как «Акт доброй воли», послу США в Москве чертежи и схемы расположения подслушивающих устройств в новом здании Посольства США в Москве. 7–8 декабря лидеры РСФСР, Украины и Белоруссии – Ельцин, Кравчук и Шушкевич – подписали Декларацию о преобразовании СССР в Содружество Независимых Государств (СНГ). 21 декабря на встрече лидеров республик бывшего СССР в Алма-Ате в состав СНГ вошли 11 республик. Президент СССР Михаил Горбачев 25 декабря объявил о своей отставке. В статье обсуждаются экономические последствия перехода от социалистической экономики к «свободному рынку». С января 1992 года начался рост цен на все товары и услуги, за которым последовал кризис финансовых систем в России и в странах СНГ, а также рост безработицы и снижение жизненного уровня населения. Для решения возникших проблем Борис Ельцин произвел смену руководства правительства РСФСР, которое возглавил Виктор Черномырдин. Новым Председателем Центрального банка РСФСР был назначен Виктор Геращенко.

Дипломатия Петра I на заключительном этапе русско-турецкой войны 1686–1700 годов. Часть VI

В заключительной части статьи описываются события последних десяти дней (6–16 января 1699 г.) работы Карловицкого конгресса и подводятся его неоднозначные итоги для России. Как ни странно, этот короткий период, когда, казалось, дело близилось к благополучной развязке, был исполнен драматического напряжения, чреватого чем угодно. Снял это состояние Прокопий Возницын. 13 января он согласился подписать русско-турецкое перемирие, чем предрешил более или менее успешное завершение конгресса.

Перестройка до основания (окончание)

В середине 1993, в связи с просьбой о выяснении некоторых событий во время Олимпийских игр в Москве в 1980 году, у меня состоялась встреча с Леонидом Шебаршиным, бывшим начальником советской разведки. После отставки он создал частное агентство безопасности для обеспечения охраны новых предприятий, возникавших в результате приватизации. Реформы в экономике и формах собственности требовали изменения систем охраны. На работу в разные охранные службы переходили бывшие сотрудники КГБ, имевшие необходимую квалификацию. В 1993 году в Российской Федерации началась ваучерная приватизация, проекты которой были разработаны Государственным Комитетом по управлению государственным имуществом. В статье дается критика российских методов приватизации и сравнение ее с приватизацией в Великобритании. Возникшие в России экономические проблемы привели к конфликту между президентом Борисом Ельциным и Верховным Советом РФ, которые завершились роспуском российского парламента.

Генеалогия и вызовы XXI века

В статье описаны роль и место генеалогии в современном мире, показано влияние на нее глобализации, компьютерных технологий, успехов генетики и медицины, коммерциализации науки, поиска новых способов изучения прошлого. Рассказано об изменении понятия «род» и новых методиках при трансляции родословной информации, а также о социогенеалогии – новом направлении комплексных историко-генеалогических исследований, которое помогает интегрировать анализ макроисторических процессов и микроисторических событий.

Десять месяцев Абрама Столяра: свердловское руководство в политических водоворотах 1937–1938 годов

В статье рассматриваются управленческие практики партийно-государственной номенклатуры Свердловской области в 1937–1938 гг. в период руководства А.Я.Столяра. Областное руководство во главе со Столяром демонстрировало приверженность политическим преобразованиям Сталина и установкам верховной власти, но в действительности оказывало молчаливо-упорное сопротивление в их реализации по той причине, что эти преобразования ограничивали всевластие региональной партноменклатуры, угрожали ее материальному благополучию и стабильности.

Елизаветградское дело 1869 года. К вопросу о терроризме и радикализме в русском революционном движении конца 1860-х годов

В 1869 г. в г. Елизаветграде Херсонской губернии в поле зрения политической полиции попали несколько бывших участников революционных кружков 1860-х гг., обвиненных автором анонимного письма в подготовке покушения на императора. В ходе долгого следствия они признались в попытке организации в городе склада запрещенных изданий, и «террористическая» версия «Елизаветградского дела» сменилась на «пропагандистскую», подтвердившуюся впоследствии и другими источниками. Некоторые новые факты, не освещенные в литературе, позволяют предполагать, что бывший в Елизаветграде С.Г.Нечаев, встречавшийся там с фигурантами дела, возможно, и был автором анонимного доноса, с целью радикализовать их взгляды и подтолкнуть к конфронтации с властями.

«Художественная пропаганда коммунистических идей...» Государственная политика России в сфере искусства первых постреволюционных лет

В статье анализируются мероприятия, проводимые государственными и партийными органами в первые годы советской власти в области художественного творчества. В первую очередь, это касается деятельности Музыкального, Театрального и Фото-киноотдела Наркомпроса. Выделяются особенности этой деятельности, вызванные обстановкой становления государства диктатуры пролетариата и условиями идущей Гражданской войны.

Революционные эпохи в контексте личного интереса. К столетию великой российской революции 1917 года

Люди способны оставаться самими собой (и в худших, и в лучших своих проявлениях) при любых обстоятельствах. Аксиома «интерес правит миром» остается незыблемой и в приложении ее к революционным эпохам. Причем диапазон такого рода проявлений личного интереса со стороны представителей различных социальных страт и политических сил общества следует признать всеохватывающим. От потребности в духовной самореализации, далекой от мелкого и даже крупного корыстного, иного «прозаического» расчета – до осознанной установки на то, что революционная волна способна поднять «примкнувшего» к ней на другой, несравненно более высокий уровень социальной стратификации. По типу «кто был ничем, тот станет всем». Анализ структуры личных интересов, их содержания, качества, иерархии, сложного переплетения и противостояния в революционную эпоху в сравнении с периодами эволюционного развития позволяет более предметно судить о том, в какой мере революцию можно считать болезненным, но в итоге благотворным, социальным стрессом, а в какой – стадией «коллективного помешательства» отчаявшихся масс, как это сегодня стало модным декларировать.

«Неизвестная» конференция. Англо-американская дипломатия накануне Ялты

В статье повествуется о конференции на Мальте в конце января – начале февраля 1945 г., в ходе которой английские и американские дипломаты и военные обсуждали свои планы, связанные с окончанием войны и переустройством мира. Во время встречи руководители США и Великобритании Рузвельт и Черчилль пытались согласовать общую линию по главным вопросам переговоров с возглавлявшим делегацию СССР Сталиным, которую они хотели бы отстаивать на конференции «большой тройки» в феврале 1945 г. в Ялте.

Организационная структура Сената в 1730–1741 гг.

Рассматривается развитие в 1730–1741 гг. организационно-структурных элементов Сената («присутствие», канцелярия, важнейшие должности, московское отделение), оказавшихся в новой управленческой реальности. Актуальность темы определяется недостаточным вниманием в новейшей литературе к указанной проблематике, которая изучалась специально лишь в дореволюционных позитивистских трудах. На основе делопроизводственного и законодательного материала показано, что организационное устройство Сената пережило в рассматриваемый период ряд трансформаций, обусловленных сиюминутными факторами, связанными с текущими административными нуждами и придворной диспозицией, однако основные звенья ранее сложившейся сенатской организации сохранились.

«Лучшее средство избегнуть революции – это ее совершить»: по страницам дневника князя В.М.Голицина

В статье впервые дан комплексный анализ взглядов кн. В.М.Голицына на революцию в России. Московский городской голова, активный участник революционных событий 1904–1905 гг., он и впоследствии оставался авторитетной фигурой в либеральном движении, фактически примкнув к центристскому течению в нем (между кадетами и октябристами). Президент московского Клуба независимых (1906–1908), член ЦК Партии прогрессистов (1912), Голицын поддерживал объединительные тенденции в среде сторонников «мирного обновления» России, обосновывал необходимость созидательных усилий «умеренной» оппозиции на пути построения правового государства, считал приоритетными сферы образования и культуры, развитие местного самоуправления. По его мнению, революция в России явилась закономерным следствием режима самодержавия; она развивалась на протяжении длительного времени, не ограничиваясь рамками 1905–1907 гг. и событиями 1917 г. Взгляды Голицына по данной проблеме воссозданы на основе его дневника (в значительной мере не опубликованного) за период начала 1900-х – 1918 гг.

Брежнев и еврейский вопрос

Со времен «позднего» Сталина советская номенклатура была поражена латентным антисемитизмом. В последующий период этот системный недуг в значительной мере ослабел, утратив репрессивную составляющую, однако продолжал существовать, проявляясь в основном в виде кадровых ограничений в отношении евреев. Став лидером СССР, Брежнев был вынужден смириться с такой парадигмой, хотя в личном плане не был юдофобом, более того, скорей, даже юдофилом. Но, не решившись на открытое противостояние аппаратному антисемитизму, он тем не менее высказывался в пользу развития в СССР еврейской культуры, симпатизировал и негласно покровительствовал такому видному мастеру эстрадной сатиры, как Аркадий Райкин, и другим представителям творческой интеллигенции еврейского происхождения.

«По правам всего света»: легитимация дворцового переворота 1741 г. и проблема законности воцарения Елизаветы Петровны

Статья посвящена проблеме сочетания в российской политической культуре XVIII в. стремления правящей элиты к идеалу правления по законам и «беззаконных» дворцовых переворотов на материалах легитимации событий 1741 г., приведших к власти Елизавету Петровну. Ряд историков полагает, что Елизавета Петровна строила легитимацию своего восшествия на факте кровного родства с Петром Великим. Как показывается в статье, Елизавета Петровна при обосновании своего воцарения обращалась, прежде всего, к правовым аргументам, а не к тому факту, что ее отцом был Петр I. Таким образом, она уже строила легитимацию по канонам новой светской правовой культуры. В то же время сам факт, что она смогла изобразить дворцовый переворот как торжество законности, был возможен благодаря недостаточной развитости и слабой устойчивости элементов светской правовой культуры.

Брежнев и еврейский вопрос: эмиграция и страсти вокруг поправки Джексона–Вэника

Еврейская эмиграция сыграла важную роль в истории ССCР в последние два десятилетия его существования. Она стала катализатором и лакмусовой бумажкой его деградации и приближавшегося конца. В то же время она явилась разменной монетой в попытке тогдашних руководителей СCCP наладить политическое, экономическое и научно-технологическое сотрудничество с Западом, укрепив тем самым коммунистический режим. Однако произошло обратное: приподняв ради еврейской эмиграции «железный занавес» и нарушив охранительную герметичность советской империи, ее лидеры невольно только ускорили процесс системной энтропии. Ответственность за такое развитие страны во многом ложится на Л.Брежнева – человека в личном плане по-своему достойного, но тщеславно увлекшегося призрачными «развитым социализмом» и «Программой мира» и потому не сумевшего подготовить советское общество к тем судьбоносным испытаниям, с которыми ему пришлось вскоре столкнуться.

«Напряженная динамика эпохи»: танец – особая форма идеологического и физического воспитания первых послереволюционных лет

В статье речь идет о месте общественного танца в быту и досуге рабочего класса в 1920-е годы. Пролетарская молодежь на своих вечеринках исполняла танцы, основанные на фокстроте, что было модно в то время в Европе. Они стали символом мелкобуржуазного влияния, а потому подвергались критике и даже запретам. Советская власть стремилась в рамках создаваемой пролетарской культуры будущего социализма придумать новый массовый танец, соответствующий идеологическим требованиям текущего момента.

Русский рабочий в преддверии революции. Формирование пролетариата России во второй половине XIX – начале XX века

В статье рассматриваются особенности процесса развития рабочего класса России во второй половине XIX – начале ХХ в. Делается вывод о том, что у рабочих крестьянского происхождения продолжала оставаться тесная связь с деревней и сельскохозяйственной деятельностью. Они были привязаны к своей общине и домохозяину. В результате больше половины промышленности размещалось вне городов, а господствующим типом работника стал отхожий крестьянин. В сознании рабочих традиционные общинные установки не вытеснялись буржуазными ценностями и не утрачивались, а трансформировались в рамках новой общности – трудового коллектива, принимая ярко выраженную антибуржуазную направленность. В начале ХХ века в фабрично-заводской промышленности при снижении темпа роста общей численности фабрично-заводского пролетариата сокращались возможности приема рабочей силы из деревни и других в связи с тем, что свободные рабочие места все чаще занимали выходцы из рабочих семей. Это способствовало усилению социально-экономической анклавности рабочего класса, постепенному затуханию процесса пролетаризации и развитию пауперизации.

«Пролетарии» и «буржуи»: иноязычная политическая лексика в крестьянских «письмах во власть» 1920-х годов

В статье рассматривается процесс изменения семантического поля единиц иноязычной политической лексики в крестьянской среде в 1920-е годы. На примере пары «буржуазия» и «пролетариат» исследуется вопрос о трансформации идеологической компоненты политических понятий под воздействием внеязыковых факторов. Крестьянские «письма во власть» представляют особый интерес для изучения подвижности семантики политической лексики в революционной и постреволюционной России, поскольку крестьяне являлись самой малограмотной и политически не просвещенной группой населения. Использование крестьянами новой иноязычной политической лексики рассматривается как базовая модель усвоения простым населением основ советского «новояза».

«Письма во власть» как модус религиозного диссидентства в Брежневскую эпоху

Статья посвящена изучению феномена коммуникации между религиозным диссидентским движением российских протестантов во главе с Советом церквей евангельских христиан-баптистов и властью в брежневскую эпоху. На основании «писем во власть» верующих и документов Совета по делам религий при Совете Министров СССР за 1964–1982 гг. сделан вывод о формировании новой модели взаимоотношений между советской властью и протестантскими организациями. Протестанты остро реагировали на любые ограничения религиозных свобод, используя для этого коллективные письменные обращения, адресованные как советским властям, так и международным организациям. В результате «письма во власть» превратились в эффективный инструмент публичной защиты прав верующих. Власть в свою очередь внимательно отслеживала апелляции верующих и реагировала на них в целях определенной коррекции государственной религиозной политики.

Политические настроения в российском обществе в начале XX века. По материалам писем к Иоанну Кронштадтскому

В статье рассматриваются политические настроения в российском обществе начала ХХ века на материалах писем к Иоанну Кронштадтскому (1829–1908 гг.), которые хранятся в Центральном государственном историческом архиве Санкт-Петербурга. Поскольку авторы писем принадлежали к разнообразным сословиям и политическим лагерям, письма отражают широкий спектр общественных взглядов. Выступления Иоанна Кронштадтского против Льва Толстого были темой обширной корреспонденции, при этом антитолстовские настроения авторов писем стали индикатором недовольства ситуацией в стране в целом. В статье делается вывод, что документы дают наиболее полное представление о настроениях консервативной части российского общества, представители которой считали важным следование традициям и сохранение роли Православной церкви в обществе.

Из жизни «старой гвардии». Общество старых большевиков как опыт политической адаптации революционеров (1922–1935 гг.)

В статье изучены основные проблемы становления и функционирования Общества старых большевиков – организации, объединившей практически всю политическую элиту послереволюционной Советской России. В статье раскрыты причины создания Общества в 1922 г., проанализирована его структура, социальный состав, а также ключевые направления деятельности (культурно-просветительное, издательское, социальное). Особый акцент в публикации сделан на роли организации и ее членов в политических процессах 1920 – первой половины 1930-х годов, выдвинута гипотеза о причинах ликвидации Общества в 1935 г.

Небольшое отступление от правил или вызов сталинской системе власти? О некоторых аспектах «ленинградского дела»

В статье рассматриваются некоторые обвинения, предъявленные основным фигурантам так называемого «ленинградского дела» – одного из крупных политических дел «периода позднего сталинизма». Воплощение в жизнь идеи о создании руководящего партийного органа РСФСР, которую вынашивали «ленинградцы», осознавали они это или нет, повлекло бы за собой значительные подвижки в высшем руководстве СССР, перераспределение полномочий в высших органах власти и появление там одной из самых влиятельных фигур. Фальсификация итогов тайного голосования на ленинградской партконференции 1948 года не только явилась следствием склонности к нарушениям законности и самовозвеличиванию среди ленинградского начальства. Угроза для сталинской системы власти заключалась в том, что «ленинградцы» продемонстрировали способ свести на нет систему тайного голосования в партийных организациях, которая была внедрена Сталиным в 1937 году как один из основных элементов «внутрипартийной демократии».

Крым в германской «Восточной политике»: основные изменения в контексте оккупаций 1918 и 1941–1944 годов

В статье анализируются изменения в германской «восточной политике», которые произошли между двумя мировыми войнами. Данные изменения прослеживаются на примере двух оккупаций Крымского полуострова в 1918 и 1941–1944 годах. На основе широкого круга источников и литературы определены аспекты, изучение которых способствует выявлению основных тенденций в изменениях германской «восточной политики». Рассмотрены цели и задачи германского военно-политического руководства относительно Крыма в ходе обеих оккупаций, административные формы управления захваченными территориями, отношение населения к оккупантам и оккупантов к населению. На примере таких проявлений этого отношения, как коллаборационизм, Движение Сопротивления, террор, национальный фактор обоснован вывод, что германская «восточная политика» практически оставалась неизменной на протяжении всей первой половины XX века. Однако менялись ее методы, что было обусловлено нацистской идеологией, а также тем, что в отличие от 1918 г., в 1941–1944 г. жители Крыма представляли собой совсем другую общность – советских людей.

О некоторых аспектах «Ленинградского дела»

В статье предыдущего номера журнала А.В.Сушков отмечает, что отсутствует полноценное исследование причины «ленинградского дела» и останавливается на двух обвинениях, предъявленных ленинградским руководителям: на попытках создания Российской коммунистической партии или Бюро ЦК ВКП (б) по РСФСР и на фальсификации результатов выборов в состав горкома и обкома ВКП (б) на конференции ленинградской партийной организации в декабре 1948 г. Данная статья рассматривает эти малоизученные аспекты «ленинградского дела» и показывает, что они были не причинами снятия ленинградских руководителей, а только поводами для этого.

О некоторых тенденциях осмысления Первой мировой войны, революции и большевизма современниками

Осмысление современниками переломного периода в истории России и мира, начало которому положила Первая мировая война, имело свои особенности. Выявление их в свете происходящих в настоящее время дискуссий позволяет оценить сделанные тогда выводы, составившие первооснову последующего изучения. В этот ряд включены и предчувствия представителей творческой интеллигенции. Среди вопросов, впервые затронутых современниками, но остающихся научно актуальными, – уровень модернизации России, достигнутый к 1914 г.; место эсхатологии в духовной атмосфере предвоенных и военных лет; соотношение революции и мировой войны; феномен большевизма в связи с войной и др.

«Вредительство» на объектах военной промышленности СССР (конец 1920-х – начало 1940 годов)

Статья продолжает традиции изучения политического контроля, технологий и меха-низмов власти, административных приемов и стратегий, использовавшихся сталинским режимом в 1920–1940-е гг. Автор сфокусировал внимание на определенном аспекте – «правом оппортунизме», который рассматривается как государственно-политическое преступление и универсальная идеологема, позволявшая осуществлять информационно-когнитивную «диверсию», сегрегацию общества на «своих» и «чужих». Анализируется генезис, сущность этого феномена в политическом дискурсе и историографии, а также деятельность специализированных структур по борьбе с одним из проявлений «правого оппортунизма» – «вредительством» на объектах военной промышленности. По итогам исследования делается вывод о том, что «антивредительская» кампания и применявшиеся в рамках ее методы контрольно-репрессивного давления в их совокупности можно рассматривать как политико-технологический, операциональный и идейно-методологический фундамент сталинской диктатуры и системы управления советским государством.

On Some Tendencies of the World War I, Revolution and Bolshevism Comprehension by Contemporaries (the end)

With reference to considerations on peculiarities of contemporaries interpretation of the Russian history tipping point connected with the World War I the author draws the attention to perception of patriotism problem prior to 1917 and afterwards, to various interpretations of Bolshevism as a political phenomenon. Characterization of schism deepening among the culture celebrities includes analysis of A.Blok and other so called “intellectuals-turncoats” social and political positions. The author puts the question whether it is possible to understand “acceptance” of October as the complete approval of Bolshevist ideology. Furthermore, the author substantiates the conclusion that the power of observation and insight of writers immersed in the life of new Russia allowed them in some instances to define the vector of the Soviet state and society development with a greater accuracy than that was done by ?migr?-changers of landmarks and Eurasians.

Public Movement in Russia (Methodological and Historiographic Problems)

The article is devoted to the formation of the social movement in Russia, its modes and practices. In the article the social movement was defined firstly in the historiography. The authors distinguished the phases of the social movement and characterized them. They paid attention to the contemporary historiography situation and projected the perspectives of the further researches.

«In my mind, a lot will now depend on your actions... Yours, Plekhanov». Cases of Georgy Pyatakov’s and Georgy Plekhanov’s Political Positions' Consilience

The article traces the views and positions of two figures of Russian social democracy G.V.Plekhanov and G.L.Pyatakov, who proved to be close enough in two very important situations – in 1912, when the crisis in the proletarian party reached its utmost importance and at the time of the choice of the strategy of the revolutionary movement in the spring of 1917. The reconstructed episodes show the complexity of social processes, the ambiguous choice of vectors for historical progress.

Power and Cossacking in the Epoch «Great Reform» Alexandra II (1860–1870s). Historiographic Notes

This paper is devoted to considering the historiography of interaction between the government and the Cossack during the period of «The Great Reforms» (1860–1870) in the reign of Alexander II. The author chooses the point of view which makes it possible to scrutinize the actions of the central authority more closely during analyses of the research literature. However, the chosen approach doesn’t imply overemphasizing the government’s attitude and its influence on the Cossack policy. Despite the exposed restrictive framework, the essential reserve in a historiography reflecting various aspects of interaction of the power and the Cossacks in the 1860-1870th years was found. In article the content of the most important works on stories of the Cossacks of the pre-revolutionary period reveals.

«We Must Break All World Records!» The Role of the Komsomol and his General Secretary A.V.Kosarev in the Organizing and Development of Soviet Sport System in the 1930s

The main objective of this article is to show the role of the communist youth league (Komsomol), and, primarily of his general secretary Alexander Kosarev, in the organizing and development of the Soviet sport system in the 1930s. Special emphasis will be put on the question of motives lying behind the activities of the Komsomol leadership in the spheres of physical culture and sports, on his conflicts with other organizations, involved in these affairs, and on the hopes, the Komsomol leaders associated with their engagement in it.

Paradoxes of modernization. The Idea of Legality in the Political Culture of Post-Reform Russia

The author argues that authorities couldn’t rely on social forces, so strong statist tendencies continued in post-reform Russia and bureaucracy remained the engine of the reform process. There were many lawyers among statesman in the higher levels of administration, and this contributed to manifestation of legal consciousness in the legislative sphere, increased attention to issues of law and order. Sometimes this happened at the expense of narrowing of other functions of the state. In particular, social security issues were often neglected when they contravened the principle of legality. The return of attention to them by the bureaucracy occurs only under the threat of social upheaval.
keywords: legality; social functions; reforms; bureaucracy; State Council.

Features of the Formation of the Ukrainian-Russian Border in 1917–1919

The article covers the issues of the initial stage of the formation of the Russian-Ukrainian border in the 1917–1919s. It is based on the study of the archive documents, contemporary publications of leading experts. The prevailing in the border areas with mixed population structure complicated the borders along ethnic lines. The territorial dispute was suspended in 1919 with Ukraine signing the Treaty on Borders with the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic, where the parties confirmed the expediency of the pre-revolutionary provincial administrative-territorial differentiation.
keywords: Ukrainian Central Rada; Hetmanate; Ukrainian SSR; The RSFSR; Great Don Army; Ukrainian-Russian border.

Radical Inductivism of Istprofs in the Context of the Early Soviet Historiography

This article analyzes theoretical and methodological approaches of the Commissions on the History of Professional Movement in Russia (Istprofs) which functioned within the structure of the Soviet trade unions in the 1920s. The guiding idea of Istprofs’ work was radical inductivism, i.e. the notion that research process must be strictly divided into two stages: 1) accumulation of factual material and 2) analysis of that material and finding of the patterns of historical development. Even though they never openly challenged Party, Istprofs’ research project was an alternative to the Bolsheviks’ dogmatic reading of the Marxist epistemology.
keywords: Istprof; trade unions; historiography; theory and methodology of history.

Power and Cossacks in the Epoch of “Great Reform” of Alexandr II (1860–1870s): Historiographic Notes (the end)

In article the critical analysis of a historiography of relationship of the power and the Cossacks during an era of “Great reforms” of Alexander II (the 1860–1870th) is continued. The research covers works of the Soviet historians, historians emigrants and also representatives of a modern Russian and foreign historiography. Actions of the central power for development and advance of a government policy which evolves from introduction of bases of “civic consciousness” on the Cossack lands in the 1860th, before return to domination of the militaristic principles in way of the Cossack life in the 1870th years understand the considered works. In article possible new perspective subjects in studying of the Cossack history not only an era of “Great reforms”, but also all the II half of the 19th century are specified.
keywords: historiography; Cossack troops; “Great reforms”; Alexander II; government policy; Ministry of Defense.

Power Against Revolution: Projects Power Overcoming the 1905 Revolutionary Crisis in Russia

The article analyzes the projects of power suppression of the revolutionary movement in Russia, elaborated by representatives of the top bureaucracy in 1905. Particular attention is paid to the transformation of the attitude of officials to repression as a means of overcoming the revolutionary crisis, as well as the main factors of this transformation. On the grounds of the research, it was concluded that the use of force to combat the revolution became the main instrument of authority only in November 1905, while previously the repressive policy was predominantly declarative.
keywords: The First Russian Revolution; 1905; top bureaucracy; repression; S.Y.Witte; P.N.Durnovo.

Typology of Unity: the Literary Community of the Late XIX – Early XX Centuries

This article is about literary communities and groups of the late XIX – early XX centuries. The authors analyze the conditions of their existence in pre-revolutionary Russia and the USSR, relations with the authorities, peculiarities of the organization of Soviet literary life. It is concluded that the literary struggle of the 1920s – early 1930s was due to the desire of writers to find and offer their own "Unique Trade Offer", to achieve hegemony in literature, to get the right to decide how to express the Bolshevik’s ideology.
keywords: Symbolists, Cubo-futurists, Comfuts, Imaginists, Acmeists, RAPP, Pereval.